Search Results for “node/Earl Webb” – Society for American Baseball Research https://sabr.org Tue, 03 Oct 2023 18:10:25 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.7.2 Tweed Webb: He’s Seen ‘Em All in Negro Leagues https://sabr.org/journal/article/tweed-webb-hes-seen-em-all/ Sun, 12 Nov 1989 16:06:11 +0000 Anyone interested in researching the Negro leagues should contact this man. Former player, manager, and historian, he has seen nearly all the great black stars.

A COUPLE OF YEARS AGO, when there was a vacancy on the National Baseball Hall of Fame Veterans Committee, SABR’s Negro Leagues Committee submitted the names of several candidates who could be expected to promote the cause of former Negro-league stars worthy of Cooperstown enshrinement but thus far overlooked. Nominees included ex-players such as Hall-of-Famers Hank Aaron, Willie Mays, Ray Dandridge, and Buck Leonard; noted sportswriter Sam Lacy, and historian Normal (Tweed) Webb.

At age eighty-four, Tweed Webb is possibly the oldest living chronicler of black baseball. He’s certainly one of the most dedicated and vocal. His motto “I’ve seen `em all” – bears testimony to his more than seventy-five years of service as a fan, batboy, player, manager, sportswriter, officer scorer, historian, and, still today, tireless crusader for black baseball.

Webb, who acquired his nickname from a tweed suit worn in grade school, was introduced to baseball in 1910, when his father, a semi-pro ballplayer, took him to a game between the hometown St. Louis Giants and the Indianapolis ABCs. His career began in earnest seven years later, at age twelve, when he worked as batboy for Rube Foster’s visiting Chicago American Giants. The Giants were one of the all-time great clubs, with a lineup that included such stars as Bingo De Moss, Dave Malarcher, Jimmy Lyons, and Carlos Torrienti.

In 1919, Webb lived in Cleveland, where his uncle Pete Miles, a major stockholder in the Cleveland Tate Stars, introduced him to greats like Ben Taylor, Turkey Stearnes, John Donaldson, and future Hall-of-Famer John Henry Lloyd. On his return to St. Louis, Webb began organizing ballgames between local street teams. “I was always an organizer, always trying to get things going,” he says. “I’d form up a team from my street and get a game with a team from another street.”

Those pick-up games also provided the first outlet for two of Webb’s later passions: sportswriting and baseball history. “I’d write up a little story, `Tweed Webb Stars at Shortstop,'” he relates with an elfish grin. “I got a kick out of seeing my name. I wished I could be a writer.” The historian in him kept the scorecards from those games (he still has several); it was about this time that he also began clipping and compiling newspaper articles.

In 1920 and `21, Webb played shortstop for the St. Louis Black Sox, a semipro team managed by his father. Next year the squad entered the newly-formed Tandy League – St. Louis’ first black semipro circuit that would become a training ground for the Negro leagues. They competed under several names before becoming the St. Louis Pullmans, and dominating the league for a decade.

The apex of Webb’s playing career came in 1926, with the Fort Wayne Pirates, an associate member of the Negro National League. “I was a good ballplayer, a smart ballplayer,” he asserts. “I was 5’3”, 140 pounds, little bitty guy, but I stood ten feet tall. Littlest man out there, with the biggest mouth. Hard to strike out. Good bunter. Good arm. I was a hustler.

“But to tell the truth, I didn’t like that life. Bad traveling conditions, bad accommodations. The professional players were a rough bunch. I didn’t drink or smoke, and I didn’t like the women that hung around the players. And the pay was low – twenty-five dollars a week.”

So he returned to St. Louis, became a sign painter, and resumed his association with the Tandy League — a connection that would continue until 1966 and earn him the sobriquet “Mr. Tandy.” In his more than forty years as player, manager, official scorer, and publicity director, he had a hand in developing numerous future major leaguers, including Luke Easter, Al Smith, Sammy Pendleton, Sam Jethroe, Nate Colbert, and Ted Savage. (In the late forties, Webb also founded the short-lived Rube Foster League, the best known graduate of which was Elston Howard.)

In 1934, Webb branched out into sportswriting with a weekly column for the St. Louis Argus, one of the city’s two daily black newspapers (he also wrote for the St. Louis American for a couple of years in the mid-thirties). Except for 1943-5 when he was in the Navy, Tweed Webb’s “Hot Stove League” was a fixture for the next thirty-seven years. During the 1940s, he also covered the annual East-West all-star games and Negro League World Series.

As a reporter for the Argus and the official scorer for the St. Louis Stars’ home games in 1932-49, Webb compiled records and photographs that would prove valuable decades later, when the history of the Negro leagues became a subject of serious study.

As anyone who has ever approached the field knows, black baseball history presents a problematic discipline, the main difficulty being the lack of reliable statistical data. “I get requests almost on a weekly basis from SABR members wanting statistics or other information on different players or teams or leagues,” relates Negro Leagues Committee chairman Dick Clark. “I’m not sure people really understand that we just don’t have the information, that we can’t just go out and find it in a book. We have to look for it. And Tweed has been one of our main sources. He was one of the first to start researching black baseball.”

“People are always asking me about specific records, for example, whether Josh Gibson or Turkey Stearnes hit more home runs,” says Webb. “I hate to say it, but the records of black baseball are inadequate. In many cases, the true statistics just don’t exist. It’s hearsay; anybody that’s got any sense knows there’s nothing to prove it. But now, what happens sometimes is that some writer will go talk to John Doe and the guy will tell him, `I hit .400 that year,’ or, `I hit 500 home runs,’ and he’ll go and write the story that way, but there’s no proof.”

Still, Webb has been a source for many writers and researchers, providing records, anecdotes, personal recollections, and photographs for numerous projects, including Charles Whitehead’s biography of Rube Foster (“A Man and His Diamonds”) and Phil Dixon’s forthcoming comprehensive pictorial history of black baseball. “He’s probably more knowledgeable about St. Louis [black] baseball than anybody,” states Dixon, “and overall, he’s one of the most knowledgeable people around the country. As far as a writer of [black] baseball, he’s certainly one of the oldest around.”

In his tireless, decades-long crusade for the affirmation of black baseball Webb has made his greatest mark. Says Bob Burnes, retired sports editor of the St. Louis Globe Democrat, who has known Webb for more than thirty years, “Tweed Webb has done more in bringing recognition to the black player than anyone else. Cool Papa Bell is in the Hall of Fame because of Tweed’s insistence.”

In addition to his campaign for the induction of his longtime close friend Bell, Webb has also worked doggedly for the inclusion of other former Negro leaguers, including 1981 inductee Rube Foster. “Everybody talks about how I campaigned for Cool Papa Bell and Rube Foster for the Hall of Fame,” says Webb with uncharacteristic shortness, “but I shouldn’t have had to campaign for Rube Foster he should have been the first. Not only was he a great pitcher and manager, but he was the founder of the Negro National League, the father of modern Negro baseball. There wasn’t anybody did more for black baseball than Rube Foster. And they waited until 1981 to put him in. That was nothing but a joke.”

His crusade far from over, Webb remains determined to see the great players and teams receive their due. “There are about a dozen men from the Negro leagues in the Hall of Fame, but some of the greatest have yet to be inducted. When most people talk about the Negro leagues, they know Satchel Paige, Josh Gibson, and Cool Papa Bell, and that’s about all. Well, I’ve seen greater ballplayers than them.”

Webb’s immediate candidate for the Hall is Smokey Joe Williams, a flamethrower who starred in 1910-32. “I’ve been campaigning for him for the last five, six years. He was the greatest fastball pitcher I ever saw. Faster than Paige. He pitched a no-hitter against the New York Giants in 1919 in an exhibition game – struck out 24 and lost the game on an infield error. That was all swept under the rug. It’s a mystery to me why he’s not in the Hall of Fame.”

After Williams, Webb has a lengthy list of other nominees. “There was Bruce Petway, a tremendous catcher with Rube Foster’s club – a great hitter and he could throw. There was a series of exhibition games in Cuba where he threw out Ty Cobb sixteen out of seventeen tries. I wrote about that fifty years ago. People just can’t believe it. Most places you’ll read that he threw him out two out of three times.

“There’s Biz Mackey, another catcher, who played ball for the Newark Eagles till the age of fifty. He was something. He should be in the Hall of Fame without a doubt.

“Almost nobody knows about John Donaldson; Chester Brewer; Bullet Rogan; Turkey Stearnes, who hit as many home runs as anybody; Jimmy Lyons, the fastest man in baseball before Cool Papa Bell; Pete Hill; Willie (Devil) Wells, one of the great shortstops; Dick London, another great shortstop. You have pitchers: Hilton Smith and Newt Allen, both of whom wrote to me asking me to put their names before the Hall of Fame. There’s Willie Foster, Rube’s brother.

“And there are plenty of other great players, but the problem is that not enough people saw the old-timers play. That’s about it, right there. [Veterans Committee members] Roy Campanella and Monte Irvin don’t know anything about those players, except what they’ve heard. They have no business being on that committee. I’m qualified to be on that committee.”

Webb continues his crusade from his home, lobbying for the election of Smokey Joe Williams, answering the letters he receives from around the country, and reporting on special events – particularly illnesses and deaths of old-time players. In 1970, he organized the Oldtime Negro Baseball Players Association to aid former players, and he remains available, as he has been for the last fifty years, to deliver a tribute at a ballplayer’s funeral. “If the family calls me, I drop everything to be there.”

In the past fifteen years, as the history of black baseball has found a widening circle of enthusiasts, Webb’s contribution has become more generally known. In 1974, he was the first black to be inducted into the St. Louis Amateur Baseball Hall of Fame. The same year, he appeared on “The Joe Garagiola Show” with Cool Papa Bell and Satchel Paige and selected his all-time Negro-leagues team. On July 9, 1975, St. Louis congressman William Clay read a tribute to Webb into the Congressional Record, and in 1986, he was the recipient of a “SABR Salute” award.

The personal honors please him, but his devotion is to the cause: “I’m a dedicated man,” he says proudly, hauling out his well-thumbed scrapbooks, notebooks and files, and spreading them out for perusal. “This is what I’ve done with my life.”

JAY FELDMAN is a freelance writer and an organizer of the “Baseball for Peace” trips to Nicaragua.

]]>
What Might Have Been: Dismantling Fenway Park Before the 1920 Baseball Season? https://sabr.org/journal/article/what-might-have-been-dismantling-fenway-park-before-the-1920-baseball-season/ Sat, 19 Dec 2020 09:11:40 +0000 Fenway Park, circa 2013 (COURTESY OF BILL NOWLIN)

We know it didn’t come to pass, but when Fenway Park was less than 10 years old, there there was discussion of disposing of it. The park was opened in 1912 and at the time had hosted the world champion Boston Red Sox in four of its eight years—1912, 1915, 1916, and 1918. But in October 1919, respected sports journalist I.E. Sanborn wrote in the Chicago Tribune that “according to the most authentic information obtainable” there was a plan that—by a “process of amalgamation”—“two, and possibly three, major league base ball plants will be dismantled next season.”1

In New York, the Polo Grounds was shared by the National League Giants and the American League Yankees.2 Sanborn declared that other such sharing arrangements were imminent: “Before another season opens it is more than probable the St. Louis National league (sic) club will be sharing the plant of the St. Louis Browns and the Philadelphia Nationals will be under contract to play in Shibe Park, the home of the Athletics. It is within the scope of the possible that the Red Sox will amalgamate with the Braves, so as to cut down the overhead by occupying one plant jointly.”

In both St. Louis and Philadelphia, the two competing ballparks were fairly near each other and in each instance there were compelling reasons to dispose of one in favor of sharing a facility. This came to pass in St. Louis, where the Cardinals did start playing in Sportsman’s Park in 1920, leaving Robison Field. From 1920 through 1953, the Cardinals and Browns shared Sportsman’s Park. In 1953, the park’s name was changed to Busch Stadium. After the 1953 season, the Browns departed to Baltimore and became the Orioles. The Cardinals continued to play games at the newly-named Busch, into 1966 when they started to play games in Busch Stadium II.

The Phillies and Athletics ultimately did share Shibe Park, but it wasn’t for nearly two decades after Sanborn’s assertion.3 In 1938, the Phillies began to play home games at Shibe and did so through the 1970 season, long after the Athletics had departed for Kansas City, following the 1954 campaign.4

Returning to look at the situation in Boston, both parks were fairly new and both were sizable. Fenway Park’s capacity was 24,000—though they managed to shoehorn in more than 34,000 fans for both Games Three and Five of the 1912 World Series. Several blocks away, Braves Field opened in August 1915 with a much larger capacity of 43,250.5 The two clubs had shared facilities at times in the past. The Braves, for instance, played the 1914 World Series against the Philadelphia Athletics with Fenway Park as their home park, because it was the larger venue than the South End Grounds. They had played a number of regular season games at Fenway, too, before Braves Field itself opened in 1915.6 (Fenway also hosted boxing matches and both high school and college football in the fall of 1918 and 1919.) And the Red Sox played their home World Series games in the larger Braves Field both in 1915 against the Phillies and in 1916 against Brooklyn. In later years, the Red Sox would also play a number of Sunday games at Braves Field, because of a local ordinance that prevented them playing at Fenway due to its closer proximity to a house of worship.7

Let us see what Sanborn said about Boston on October 20, 1919:

A ticklish situation exists in Boston, where both National and American league (sic) clubs are struggling to lift heavy overhead charges, due to the cost of their plants. The American league club, having built its plant several years ago, probably is in better condition as to its bonds than the National league is. Moreover, its grounds are better situated for commercial purposes, being in the heart of “automobile row,” but the American league park is better adapted to baseball because it is more compact than the plant occupied by the Braves.

The latter, with a seating capacity of 42,000 all on the ground level, is the biggest baseball plant in America, but it smothers the average crowd and stifles enthusiasm. It would be the rational solution, however, for the two Boston clubs to combine on the rental of the Braves’ park and dispose of the Red Sox grounds.8

On October 31, the Boston Post further reported that Red Sox owner Harry Frazee, Red Sox manager Ed Barrow, and James E. Gaffney of the Braves met in conference at Braves Field and “gave the place a thorough overlooking.” Because Fenway Park was “growing enormously valuable,” the Post declared, “In fact it has become far too hefty a real estate proposition to be used merely as a plant for baseball.”9 Combining under one roof was not a new idea. Melville E. Webb had published an article almost exactly a year earlier in the Post entitled “One-Park Baseball Likely to Come.” He declared the idea a good one.10 That same day, James C. O’Leary wrote in the Boston Globe that “The Fenway Park property is rapidly increasing in value and in time may be regarded as too valuable to be applied to its present use.”11

The day after the Post’s report of his visit to Braves Field, Frazee claimed the meeting was a coincidence, that he’d encountered Gaffney at a restaurant—never having met him before—and that it was the first time he’d ever seen Braves Field. He had no immediate intention of selling Fenway Park at the time; it would be at least two or three years, he thought, before he could realize enough to make it worth selling.12 Apparently Gaffney had proposed the two teams both play at Braves Field, but Barrow said Frazee was not going to accept the offer and that the Red Sox “will use Fenway two years more, anyway.”13

But Fenway changed hands early in 1920, with Frazee cutting a deal with a perhaps surprising source. In November 1916, when then Red Sox owner Joseph Lannin had sold the team to Frazee and Hugh Ward, he had taken a note for $262,000, which was secured by the capital stock of the Fenway Realty Trust, the company that owned Fenway Park. The note had come due on November 1, 1919, and had not been paid. Accordingly, Lannin was prepared to sell the stock at auction.14 Paul H. Shannon of the Boston Post wrote that Frazee “has always considered Fenway Park the chief asset of the Boston club, and many a time he has intimated that this land, increasing yearly in value, was the bulwark of the Red Sox assets.”15

That said, Lannin was owed the money. A number of court actions followed and Massachusetts Superior Court ruled that Fenway Park would be put up for sale via auction to secure payment to Lannin. The court ruling prompted Frazee to sell a mortgage on Fenway Park to Jacob Ruppert, owner of the New York Yankees, as part of the Babe Ruth deal.16 On March 5, 1920, a settlement was agreed upon. Jacob Ruppert, Inc. held a $300,000 mortgage on Fenway Park itself, not to be paid off until years later, after Tom Yawkey became owner of the Sox.17

The amalgamation Sanborn anticipated never came to pass and seems to have not attracted further comment or speculation in the Boston press. There was a brief note in the Denver Post, however, that said if the Red Sox team were sold “it is likely the new owners will abandon the Fenway park now used by the club. The grounds would be sold for other purposes.”18

The Braves and Red Sox played each in their own parks for the next 30-plus years. And 100 years later, Fenway Park still hosts Red Sox games.

BILL NOWLIN still lives in the same Cambridge, Massachusetts, house he was in when he joined SABR in the last century. He’s been active both in the Boston Chapter and nationally, a member of the Board of Directors since 2004 (a good year for Red Sox fans). He has written several hundred bios and game accounts, and helped edit a good number of SABR’s books.

 

Notes

1 I.E. Sanborn, “Major Leagues Plan to Cut Expense for Parks; Only One Field for Two Teams in Same Cities,” Chicago Tribune, October 20, 1919: 18. Irving Ellis “Sy” Sanborn” had been one of the founders of the Baseball Writers’ Association of America in 1908. Before working nearly 20 years at the Tribune, he spent dozen years in Massachusetts writing for the Springfield Union.

2 The Giants held the lease on the Polo Grounds, and the Yankees were a tenant; there was some form of paperwork in place to prevent the Giants from summarily evicting them. In February 1921, Yankees ownership would purchase land in The Bronx and Yankee Stadium would open on the site in 1923.

3 There had been occasional sharing, to accommodate circumstances. As Bob Davids noted, “When part of the Baker Bowl stands collapsed in a minor accident on May 14, 1927, the Phillies played a few home games at the Athletics’ field.” L. Robert Davids, “Baker Bowl,” SABR Baseball Research Journal, 1982. See https://sabr.org/journal/article/baker-bowl/

4 Shibe Park was renamed to Connie Mack Stadium in 1953.

5 Capacities are as noted in Philip J. Lowry, ed., Green Cathedrals, 5th edition (Phoenix: SABR, 2019), 47, 50. The Boston Braves did not own Braves Field. When James E. Gaffney sold the ballclub in early 1916, he retained ownership of the park. It was only in 1950 that then Braves owner Lou Perini purchased Braves Field from the Gaffney estate.

6 For a detailed listing, see Bill Nowlin, “The Time(s) the Braves Played Home Games at Fenway Park,” in Bill Nowlin, ed., The Miracle Braves of 1914 (Phoenix: SABR, 2014), 320-327.

7 The Red Sox played Sunday home games at Braves Field from April 28, 1929 through May 29, 1932, as well as the occasional holiday separate-admission doubleheader, such as Patriots Day in 1930 and 1932. After a May 8, 1926, fire destroyed a good part of Fenway’s third-base seats, the Red Sox were offered use of Braves Field. They expressed their thanks but declined. James C. O’Leary, “Sox at Fenway Despite Fire,” Boston Globe, May 10, 1926: 8. Attendance for Red Sox games in the 1920 was sparse enough they didn’t need the extra capacity.

8 Sanborn. As to whether or not Sanborn was confused as to the location of “Automobile Row,” SABR member Bob Brady, president of the Boston Braves Historical Association, explained, “Automobile row extended from Kenmore Square down Commonwealth Ave. Probably both team’s homes would be logistically in close enough proximity to be so categorized.” Email to author July 20, 2020. See also Patricia L. Kennedy, “A Trip Down Automobile Row,” BU Today, October 20, 2011, at http://www.bu.edu/articles/2011/a-trip-down-automobile-row/

9 “Shift of Red Sox In Sight,” Boston Post, October 31, 1919: 15. The shift in question was from Fenway Park to sharing the facility at Braves Field.

10 Melville E. Webb, “One-Park Baseball Likely to Come,” Boston Post, October 31, 1918: 7. The notion of the Red Sox departing Fenway Park was probably not pure fancy, given the stories by both Sanborn and Webb which were published just over a year apart. Webb was, like Sanborn, well-connected and a charter member of the BBWAA. See Charlie Bevis, “Melville Webb,” SABR.org, at https://sabr.org/bioproj/person/melville-webb/

11 James C. O’Leary, “Red Sox May Join in Use of Braves Field,” Boston Globe, October 31, 1918: 4. See Bob Ruzzo’s Fall 2012 Baseball Research Journal article on the history of Braves Field at https://sabr.org/journal/article/braves-field-an-imperfect-history-of-the-perfect-ballpark/

12 Paul H. Shannon, “Frazee Denies Moving,” Boston Post, November 1, 1918: 19. He said, “Braves Field is certainly one vast plant but I don’t think it would ever be the popular resort that Fenway Park has become.”

13 “Sportsman,” “Live Tips and Topics,” Boston Evening Globe, November 8, 1918: 7.

14 “Seeks Settlement By Red Sox Owners,” Boston Globe, February 11, 1920: 7.

15 Paul H. Shannon, “Stop Frazee from Selling Red Sox,” Boston Post, February 11, 1920: 11.

16 “Court Enjoins Frazee,” New York Times, February 17, 1920: 10. One can find a public notice regarding the sale of Fenway Realty Trust shares at auction in the February 21, 1920, issue of The Sun and New York Herald on page 15.

17 For a contemporary explanation of the mortgage, and how it was not that the New York Yankees held a mortgage on Fenway Park, see “Here’s Version of Red Sox Lawyer on Ruppert Mortgage,” Chicago Tribune, December 2, 1920: 18, and “No Connection with Club,” New York Times, December 2, 1920: 18. On the Yawkey purchase of the mortgage, see Bill Nowlin, Tom Yawkey: Patriarch of the Boston Red Sox (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2018), 7-10. In 1923, ownership of the Red Sox changed hands from Frazee to a group headed by Robert Quinn. See Rory Costello, “Bob Quinn,” SABR.org, at https://sabr.org/bioproj/person/bob-quinn/

18 “Boston Red Sox May Have New Park,” Denver Post, November 14, 1919: 30. See also “Ball Park May Be Given Up,” Oregonian (Portland, Oregon), November 24, 1919: 11. Why the possibility was being discussed in Chicago and cities further west, but there appeared to have not been more speculation in the Boston Globe is a little difficult to understand.

]]>
The Invention of the Baseball Glove: The Case for the Forgotten 1901 Web-Pocketed Glove https://sabr.org/journal/article/the-invention-of-the-baseball-glove-the-case-for-the-forgotten-1901-web-pocketed-glove/ Fri, 26 May 2023 21:00:45 +0000

It is quite a natural thing to ask, “When was the baseball glove invented?” One answer you are likely to discover is that a glove was first used in the game to protect players’ hands from injury in 1860.1 Early gloves were essentially adapted to base ball from other uses. Compared to the baseball glove we know today, they looked more like work gloves— because they were work gloves (Table 1).2 Should these adapted gloves be called “baseball” gloves? Or did the baseball glove come into existence when new perspectives on the use of the glove led to innovative technological change? (Note: This paper will explore the development of the baseball glove as distinct from the catcher’s mitt.)

Let’s be clear: the initial protective glove was an important stage of development. The first gloves make all other gloves possible, and the simple protective glove unquestionably improved defensive baseball. But its function was protective, as was the increased padding introduced by Arthur Irwin in 1883. It seems appropriate—and accurate—to distinguish between the appropriated work glove and the gloves that bore innovations designed to facilitate the act of catching the ball, and to apply the term “baseball glove” to the latter.

Viewed in this manner, the first true “baseball glove” occurs some 40 years after protective gloves were first tried. The 1901 “web-pocketed” glove is the first to feature an alteration that transforms the glove into an improved fielding tool. This glove, in concert with other forces of change, brought about the modern game of baseball.

A WORD ABOUT STATISTICS

In an effort to make the case for the 1901 web-pocketed glove as the first baseball glove worthy of the name, I will rely on the major league baseball statistics of the era.3 Basic statistics of the time include errors per team per game, earned and unearned runs per team per game, runs per game, and league batting averages. As a check on these simple counting statistics, a more complex metric—one which generates a defensive efficiency measure for purposes of assessing defensive improvement—will be employed.

Errors (per team per game)

This is a simple average of the numbers of errors per team per game for each season. It is important to note that when using this statistic as a means of detecting defensive improvement, a year-to-year decrease in the average may not reflect improvement. If the average number of errors per team decreases from one year to the next, and the number of balls in play also decreases, the lower number of errors may simply reflect fewer opportunities. For this paper, errors per team per game are averaged for 1901-19, during which period balls in play did not exhibit a sustained decline. In fact, there was a slight tendency toward increases in the number of balls in play in the period. As a result balls in play may be disregarded as a confounding influence when assessing the error statistics.

Defensive efficiency

Dr. David Gordon expresses this metric as a means to demonstrate improving fielding based on the following formula.4

DE = 1-(H+ROE-OPHR)/(AB-OPHR-SO+SH)

H = hits, ROE = reached base on an error, OPHR = out-of-the-park home runs, AB = at-bats, SO = strikeouts, SH = sacrifice hits.

Defensive efficiency provides a measure of the percentage of balls put into play that the defense then converts into an out. For discussion of data inputs and limitations see Dr. Gordon’s paper, “The Rise and Fall of the Deadball Era,” in the Fall 2018 issue of the Baseball Research Journal.5

Unearned runs

Unearned runs are runs that result from, for example, fielding errors or passed balls. This stat expresses the difference between the earned run average per team per game and runs per game.

ARGUMENT

From 1860, gloves in baseball grew in popularity among ballplayers who, while reluctant to be seen as “weak,” at least recognized good sense. Between that first glove and 1900, the glove became a common item of equipment with very few bare-handed holdouts remaining as the new century was ushered in. Gloves grew increasingly common, but were largely unchanged pre-1900. From the early- to mid-1880s, the Irwin glove, originally made and sold by the Draper & Maynard company, became the standard. “Little different from what one might slip over the hand on a cold day, it was literally a glove,” writes Charles Alexander in Our Game.6 That all changed in 1901. By then, the game of baseball had reached a form not that different from today’s game. The pitching distance had been set in 1893 at 60 feet, 6 inches, a batter could no longer call for a low or high pitch, batters were given three strikes, and pitching motion was largely overhand. The American League became a major league in 1901, doubling the number of major league teams to 16. Teams in both leagues played a 140-game schedule. The game had become, simply better. Gone were the early days of games with six or seven errors, as gloveless players battled uncertain diamonds, often under a cloud of life-threatening intimidation. Gone with those errors were the days when unearned runs were responsible for the majority of scoring. The game had become, simply better. Gone were the early days of games with six or seven errors, as gloveless players battled uncertain diamonds, often under a cloud of life-threatening intimidation. Gone with those errors were the days when unearned runs were responsible for the majority of scoring.

As to the style of play, that was very different from today’s game. Baseball managers developed a style of play that came to be known as “inside” or “scientific” baseball, which reached its full development by the end of the first decade of the twentieth century. In his 1913 monograph, “Scientific Baseball,” New York Giants manager John McGraw emphasized the importance of employing a contact-hitting approach: “The thing is to hit it, and the science of it all is to put it in a good safe spot, whether it is in the infield or the out field.”7 Chopping styles of hitting that caused the ball to bounce on the diamond and become difficult to catch, or line drives intended to punch through or over the infielders were encouraged.8 The idea was to sim ply put the ball in play and generate runs by advancing runners any way possible, including bunts, the hit and run, and base stealing (including stealing home). Home-run hitting was frowned upon and seen as an ineffective way to generate offense.9 As McGraw, principal proponent of the scientific approach, wrote: “Send the ball into a certain territory, rather than to try and send it a great distance, and don’t forget that flies are fatal to the batter in many instances.”10 Contact hit ting put the ball in play effectively in part by exploiting the difficulty experienced by fielders when attempting to corral a bouncing grounder or stop a speeding line drive, equipped with only a meager protective glove.

The shortcomings of the protective glove must have been known to glove makers. In 1901, Spalding introduced the model X and the XB, and the Reach Sporting Goods company the models 00W, 00X. (Quite likely other makers issued similar models, although sufficiently complete documentation could not be found to support other claims.) All of these 1901 models featured the new innovation of leather webbing sewn between the thumb and forefinger to form a shallow pocket. This modification to the glove represented a fundamental change in the way the glove was perceived; it was no longer merely a piece of protective gear but rather a specialized tool for better fielding. Distinguishable from a common work glove or other sporting glove, and modified to improve catching, the 1901 web-pocketed glove may be thought of as the first true, purpose-built baseball glove. (See Table 1.)

While it is true that the webbing on the 1901 glove made for a rather shallow and narrow pocket, particularly by today’s standards, the change in the function of the glove was fundamental. Without a pocket of any kind, a glove leaves only the palm and the fingers with which to snare the ball. Introduce a leather pocket and the player gains a flexible catching sling or basket, with considerably more area to catch the ball and exert control. This change explains why the web-pocketed glove—and then the one-inch web glove that followed—quickly became the gloves of choice for players through the first two decades of the new century.

I do not know which glove-making company was first, nor who came up with the idea for the web pocket; the inventor remains unknown. Interestingly, while many ideas intended to improve the glove have patent applications associated with them, I could find none for this early web pocket. Perhaps the idea was suggested by a glove maker who put gloves together on a daily basis, rather than an inventor or corporate executive who would have been more likely to secure their idea by patent? Consider also that to come up with the idea of the pocket takes thinking about the glove as a basket. Women of the era used baskets for many things on a daily basis. Men would have as well, but probably not to the same extent as women. I think it is a safe bet that more than half the glove-making workforce were women, as well. If you consider these points in turn, I believe there is a good chance that a woman invented the baseball glove, or at the very least made the suggestion to make the glove more basket like by sewing leather webbing between the thumb and first finger.

When this web-pocketed glove appeared in 1901, the number of runs scored (per team, per game) had been in decline since reaching the all-time high in 1894. After 1900, “the scoring decline picked up steam, falling below 4.5 in 1902-03, below 4 in 1904-07 and reaching an all-time low of 3.38 in 1908.”11 Three factors were responsible for declining offensive output from 1901 until its reversal in 1920 with what is known as the hitting revolution. First, rule changes in the first three years of the new century made hitting significantly more difficult. In 1900, the size and shape of home plate was altered.12 The other significant decree was that foul balls could count as strike one and strike two.13

Second was a change in pitching and pitchers, the outcome of the change in pitching distance that occurred in 1893. By 1900, the increased pitching distance had resulted in a new generation of larger, stronger pitchers, who adapted to the change in distance with trick pitches.14 The increased difficulty of throwing the 60-foot six-inch distance also resulted in teams carrying more pitchers to share the work. Boston manager Frank Selee was the first to implement a four-man rotation for more than 100 games in a season in 1898.15,16 Throughout the period fewer pitchers were pitching a full game. To the detriment of hitting, pitch ers of this new era of baseball were bigger, stronger, and less fatigued.

Better pitching and the rule changes resulted in a dramatic increase in strikeouts: up 55% in the National League in 1901, and up by 50% by 1903 in the American League. Between 1901 and 1908, batting averages declined from .279 to .239.17 Between the introduction of the web-pocketed glove in 1901 and the low point of the scoring decline in 1908, balls that were put into play were snagged for outs at a rapidly increasing rate: Defensive efficiency (DE) had been steadily improving. While 63% of balls put into play were converted to outs by the defense in 1894, 66% were converted to outs by 1901. After the 1901 introduction of the web-pocketed glove, the DE improves at nearly twice the pace of the previous seven years. By 1908, DE had improved a remarkable 5%, resulting in 71% of balls put in play converted to outs by the defense. Fielding had already improved from 1882 to 1900, with the error rate dropping 84%, possibly attributable to better maintained fields and improved ball manufacturing, but the rate of increase in defensive efficiency post-1901, I attribute to the glove.

Further evidence of defensive improvement may be seen in the error statistics and in declining unearned runs. For example:

  • Between 1901 and 1908, errors decline by .69 errors per team, per game from 2.4 to 1.71.18 This is the most significant error reduction in so short a period since the league-wide adoption of the protective glove.
  • By 1919, nearly one full error per team, per game had been erased and errors per team per game stood at 1.43.19
  • In 1900, 30% of runs or 1.52 per team per game were unearned.20
  • By 1919 just 20% of runs or .8 runs per team per game were unearned.21

Reductions in errors trim .72 unearned runs per team per game in the 1901 to 1919 period. Runs per team per game declined in the same period by 1.12 runs per game per team. Of this decline in runs, 65% (.72 unearned runs) are directly attributable to error reduction. Some of this improvement may have been the result of growing professionalism among players and improved training. However, in so short a span of time I would argue that the bulk of the decline in errors was the result of the introduction of the web-pocketed glove and its successor, the one-inch web.

By as early as 1908, scientific baseball was locked in a losing battle against the steady and rapid improvement of fielding. The days of hitting the ball at a fielder and forcing an error were gone. Baseball was becoming a game of precision defense like never be fore. And, while few saw it happening, that precision was a force that would lead to a fundamental change in the way the game was, and is, played right up to the present day.

Luminaries like John McGraw and Connie Mack were deemed legends for refining the scientific approach to baseball. It had once been a winning strategy, and despite its growing inability to produce runs, there seemed no great effort underway to change. By 1918 runs per team per game stood at 3.63, only slightly up from the 1908 low of 3.39 runs per team per game.

The answer to improving run production came not from the adherents of “scientific” baseball, but rather arrived in the outsized form of George Herman “Babe” Ruth. After hitting 29 homers for the Red Sox in 1919— setting the major-league record in his first full season as an outfielder—Ruth was acquired by the New York Yankees in 1920. From that day forward, Ruth’s brand of home-run baseball and the success of the Yankees would convince even the toughest adherents of scientific baseball that the answer to declining run production was the long ball.

Not everyone was certain that Ruth’s example was the only, or perhaps even the most significant, reason for the sudden change in hitting. Some observers pointed to the clandestine introduction of a livelier ball in the 1920 season as the reason that balls seemed to be jumping from hitters’ bats. Journalist F.C. Lane noted in a 1921 article that ball makers denied the existence of a livelier ball and that they had little motive for perpetrating a deception.22 Lane, an early pioneer of the use of baseball statistics, went on to put the lively ball theory to rest by demonstrating that only home run numbers were affected in this apparent hit ting revolution and not other types of hitting to any appreciable degree. “We are irresistibly impelled, there fore, to see in Babe Ruth the true cause for the amazing advance in home runs. He it was who has taught the managers the supreme value of apparently unscientific methods.”23 As it is said, nothing succeeds like success, and Ruth’s massive swing was so successful, that after 1920, “…almost any batter that has it in him to wallop the ball is swinging from the handle of the bat with every ounce of strength that nature placed in his wrists and shoulders.”24

Players, at the behest of their managers, began to eschew contact hitting strategies in favor of taking a powerful swing using the entire length of the bat. Free swinging immediately improved run production. Be tween the 1919 and 1920 seasons the American League batting average rose by 15 points and hitters added 129 home runs.25 It took the National League an extra year to see similar increases in run production and hitting averages.26 Free swinging had caught on as an effective way to score by putting a portion of run production beyond the reach of the defensive player and his much-improved baseball glove: by definition you cannot catch a home run.

Despite their enormous impact on the game, the 1901 glove and the one-inch web variants that follow right up to 1920 are all but forgotten in current versions of baseball history. Not only have the 1901 glove’s contributions gone unheralded, its attributes and its firsts have been mistakenly assigned to another glove! In order to restore the reputation of the 1901 web-pocketed glove, it is necessary to say a few things about the glove that has been given false credit: the Doak Glove.

Bill Doak was a pitcher for the St. Louis Cardinals. His design for a glove, as it was ultimately realized by the Rawlings Company in 1922, deepened the glove pocket by building up the heel of the glove with padding and adding a fuller, lace-style connection be tween the thumb and the index finger. The result was a more secure well for the ball. The Doak glove was so well received by players that it remained in the Rawlings catalogue for 33 years.27

If you were to consult currently available sources on the Internet or in libraries you would likely come away with a different impression of the importance of the Doak glove. Many sources consider it to be the first baseball glove of consequence and the progenitor of the modern glove. Many—including the Wikipedia entry for “baseball glove”—state incorrectly that the Doak glove was the first to include a connection be tween the thumb and forefinger forming the pocket. Here is a sampling of the error in action:

  • In his 2008 book, Baseball: A History of America’s Favorite Game, George Vecsey includes this pas sage in his list of baseball innovations: “1922: Bill Doak^sewed a leather strip between the thumb and index finger on his glove, thereby creating the earliest pocket.”28
  • The New Biographical History of Baseball’s entry for Bill Doak reads, “In 1920, Doak, then a pitcher with the Cardinals, used the first glove with a preformed pocket and reinforced webbing.”29
  • The engaging and informative Glove Affairs: The Romance, History and Tradition of the Baseball Glove by Noah Liberman (2003) takes a similar line by presenting a timeline of glove development that jumps from the protective glove to the Doak glove without reference to the 1901 web pocket or the one-inch webs, implying that the Doak glove is the first to incorporate changes to improve fielding.30

However the record presented in this paper demonstrates that webs and tab-style webs became available in 1901: fully two decades before Bill Doak’s glove. Doak’s patent was not insignificant and his innovation stands as an important successor to the 1901 baseball glove and the one-inch web baseball gloves. However, the Doak glove was not the first glove to feature the pocket, nor was it the original source from which the modern glove was developed. Those distinctions, I believe, belong to the 1901 web-pocketed baseball glove.

CONCLUSION

Gloves were used in baseball from about 1860, gaining popularity after Charles Waitt’s use in the mid-1870s. These earliest gloves were work gloves adopted by baseball players in an effort to protect their hands from injury. The first glove intended for fielding use was invented in 1901 with the addition of the web pocket— a simple bit of leather sewn between the thumb and forefinger of the glove. The addition of the pocket changed the glove from a protective device to a defensive tool and set the pattern for future changes with the focus on improved catching. This glove change combined with contemporaneous rule changes made hitting more difficult, setting the stage for the fall of “scientific baseball” and the rise of power hitting. In 1920 Babe Ruth conclusively demonstrated that the answer to declining run production lay in hitting beyond the defensive player and his glove. In short order many other hitters adopted free swinging and baseball’s love affair with the home run began. A considerable part of the credit for this massive change in baseball is due to the 1901 introduction of the web-pocketed glove—the first true baseball glove. 

JOHN SNELL, BA, MNRM, is a retired Environmental Specialist, formerly with the Canadian National Parks Service. Since retiring, he spends his time writing, building furniture and following base ball and basketball. He lives in Calgary, Alberta, Canada, with his lovely wife Selene.

 

Notes

1. Peter Morris, Baseball Fever: Early Baseball In Michigan (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2003).

2. Spalding’s Baseball Guides, 1889-20 and Reach Official American League Baseball Guides, 1890-1920, Smithsonian Library on line https://library.si.edu/digital-library/book/spaldings-base-ball-guide-and-official-league-book, https://library.si.edu/digital-library/book/reach-official-american-league-base-ball-guide. Accessed, September 15, 2022.

3. All statistics are taken from Baseball-Reference.com, https://www.baseball-reference.com. Accessed September to October of 2022. Note that this includes some of the Negro Leagues, whose data were incorporated in 2021.

4. David J. Gordon, “The Rise and Fall of the Deadball Era,” The Baseball Research Journal 47 (Fall 2018). [Editor’s Note: Bill James developed the Defensive Efficiency Record (DER) using the formula DER = (Total Outs-Strikeouts)/(BIP-HR), which yields substantially the same result.]

5. Gordon, “Rise and Fall of the Deadball Era.”

6. Charles C. Alexander, Our Game: An American Baseball History (New York: MJF Books, 1991) 47.

7. John McGraw, Scientific Baseball (New York: Franklin K. Fox Publishing Co., 1913), 58.

8. Benjamin Rader, Baseball: A History of America’s Game (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 66.

9. Benjamin Rader, Baseball: A History of America’s Game (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 87.

10. McGraw, Scientific Baseball, 59.

11. Gordon, “The Rise and Fall of the Deadball Era.”

12. Alexander, Our Game: An American Baseball History, 73.

13. Rader, Baseball: A History of America’s Game, 87. The rule was adopted in 1901 in the National League and 1903 in the American League.

14. Gordon, “The Rise and Fall of the Deadball Era.”

15. Alexander, Our Game, 90.

16. Frank Vaccaro, “The Origins of the Pitching Rotation,” Baseball Research Journal, Fall 2011, https://sabr.org/journal/article/origins-of-the-pitching-rotation.

17. “Major League Hitting Year-by-Year Averages,” Baseball-Reference.com, https://www.baseball-reference.com/leagues/MLB/bat.shtml. Accessed October 20, 2020.

18. “Major League Baseball Fielding Year-by-Year Averages.” Baseball-Reference. com, https://www.baseball-reference.com/leagues/MLB/field.shtml. Accessed October 14, 2020.

19. “Major League Baseball Fielding Year-by-Year Averages.” Baseball-Reference.com, https://www.baseball-reference.com/leagues/MLB/field.shtml. Accessed October 14, 2020.

20. “Major League Pitching Year-by-Year Averages,” and “Major League Baseball Fielding Year-by-Year Averages,” Baseball-Reference.com, Accessed October 5, 2020.

21. “Major League Pitching Year-by-Year Averages,” and “Major League Baseball Fielding Year-by-Year Averages,” Baseball-Reference.com, Accessed October 5, 2020.

22. F. C. Lane, “The Babe Ruth Epidemic in Baseball” Our Game, MLB Blog, June 19, 2017 (originally published in The Literary Digest, June 25, 1921). https://ourgame.mlblogs.com/thebabe-ruth-epidemic-in-baseball-e7b158436faf, Accessed October 30, 2022.

23. Lane, “The Babe Ruth Epidemic in Baseball.”

24. Lane, “The Babe Ruth Epidemic in Baseball.”

25. Rader, Baseball: A History of America’s Game, 113.

26. Rader, Baseball A History of America’s Game, 113.

27. Noah Liberman, “Why did the Baseball Glove Evolve So Slowly?” Our Game, MLB Blog, June 9, 2014, https://ourgame.mlblogs.com/why-did-the-baseball-glove-evolve-so-slowlybff30f33737a. Accessed November 5, 2020.

28. George Vecsey, Baseball A History of America’s Greatest Game (New York: Random House, 2008).

29. Donald Dewey and Nicholas Acocella, The New Biographical History of Baseball (Chicago: Triumph Books, 2002).

30. Noah Liberman, Gove Affairs: The Romance, History, and Tradition of the Baseball Gove (Chicago: Triumph Books, 2003).

]]>
Good Optics: The 1955 Yankees Tour of Japan https://sabr.org/journal/article/good-optics-the-1955-yankees-tour-of-japan/ Mon, 05 Dec 2022 18:06:35 +0000

The Yankees arrive in Japan on October 20, 1955. (Rob Fitts Collection)

 

On Thursday, October 20, 1955, the New York Yankees and their entourage landed at Tokyo’s Haneda Airport to begin a three-week, 16-game goodwill tour of Japan. There, they were mobbed by kimono-clad young women bearing bouquets, an eager press corps, and a thousand devoted fans.1 The result was chaos, as children, autograph seekers,joumalists, businessmen, and advertisers of all stripes besieged the Yankees party.2 But the airport crowd was tiny compared with the throng lining the streets of Tokyo. An estimated 100,000 turned out to shower the motorcade—23 vehicles carrying the players and coaching staff, team co-owner Del Webb, general manager George Weiss, Commissioner Ford Frick, and accompanying wives—with confetti and ticker tape.3 They were also showered with rain from Typhoon Opal, but the weather, which caused significant damage and loss of life elsewhere in Japan, did little to dampen the crowd’s enthusiasm.4

The Yankees were not the only American visitors to arrive in Japan on that day. Former New York Governor and failed presidential candidate Thomas E. Dewey also landed in Tokyo on the Japanese leg of his world tour, with the stated aim of learning about Japan’s recent economic advances.5 In reality, Dewey’s aim was to spread pro-American Cold War propaganda to a new democracy still finding its political direction, a nation he called “one of the keystones to any sound system of freedom.”6 Dewey stayed but four days, his visit gamering little coverage in the English- language press. In contrast, the Yankees remained in the spotlight and on the pages of newspapers for the entirety of their visit. If influence can be measured by column inches, the Yankees’ impact on Japanese attitudes toward America far outweighed that of the political power broker.

Ten years before the Yankees arrived, Japan was thoroughly beaten, exhausted from fighting the “Emperor’s holy war.” Of the early postwar period, historian John W. Dower writes:

Virtually all that would take place in the several years that followed unfolded against this background of crushing defeat. Despair took root and flourished in such a milieu; so did cynicism and opportunism—as well as marvelous expressions of resilience, creativity, and idealism of a sort possible only among people who have seen an old world destroyed and are being forced to imagine a new one.7

For the Japan that greeted the Yankees, this new world had just begun to become a reality. The year 1955—Showa 30 or the 30th year of Emperor Hirohito’s reign by the Japanese dating system—marked the beginning of what would be called the Japanese Miracle, a period of unprecedented economic growth that lasted more than three decades.8 Ironically, war was the engine that drove the Japanese Miracle—the Cold War. In 1945, Japanese industry was crippled—almost one-third of its capacity had been demolished.9 With staggering unemployment rates among an educated labor force, combined with the country’s advantageous geographic location near Korea, China, and the USSR, Japan became an ideal place to establish new war-related industries and revive old ones.10 In a very real sense, Japanese manufacturers played an active part of what President Dwight D. Eisenhower would come to call the “military-industrial complex” in his 1961 farewell speech. Nevertheless, in 1955, relations between the United States and Japan were occasionally tense, the United States fearing that Japan, like India, would take a neutral position in the power struggle between it and the Soviet Union. It did not. Instead, it became one of the United States’s strongest allies.11 But the strength of that alliance was still wobbly as the two nations negotiated an ultimately successful trade deal, one that would see Japan’s entry into the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and become a player in the global economy.12

Though clearly not as delicate as treaty talks with international implications, negotiations to bring the Yankees to Japan were handled with care. In a very broad sense, these negotiations were a microcosm of the larger, far more complicated economic and political talks. In June, during the broadcast of a “good will talk” for the Voice of America, Yankees manager Casey Stengel, who had toured Japan in 1922 as part of an all-star outfit, let it slip that he might be returning. An anonymous source within the Yankees intimated that the team had, in fact, been discussing the possibility of a tour, as had several other clubs.13 Although there may have been other teams under consideration, it had to be the Yankees. As New York World Telegram and Sun sports columnist and Sporting News contributor Dan Daniel observed, “Information from U.S. Army sources says that baseball enthusiasm over there (in Japan) and rooting support for the pennant effort of the Yankees have achieved unprecedented heights.”14 Daniel, who covered the New York team, became the primary source of information regarding tour negotiations, though he did not cover the tour itself. But he was not the only sportswriter to weigh in. Writing in the Nippon Times, F.N. Mike concurred, noting, “The Yankees is a magic name here, where every household not only follows baseball doings in Japan, but also that in America. The Yankees, of all others epitomizes big-time baseball in the States, just as Babe Ruth, who helped to build up its name and who led the great 1934 All-Americans to Japan, represented baseball in America individually.”15 And not only were the Yankees the most recognizable and most popular American team in Japan, but their very brand meant “American baseball” and, by extension, America, to the Japanese, in the most positive sense.

Before the Yankees front office would consent to the visit, it required assurance that both governments were on board. More importantly, even after they were invited to tour by sponsor Mainichi Shimbun, the second largest newspaper in Japan, the organization would not begin to plan a tour without a formal invitation from the Japanese. The Japanese government laid down certain conditions, most specifically, that the visiting team would not be compensated. According to Daniel, “the proposition offers no financial gain to the club. Nor would any of the players receive anything beyond an all-expense trip for themselves and their wives.”16 In fact, it was absolutely essential that the team agree to forgo any type of payment. Writing in Pacific Stars and Stripes, columnist Lee Kavetski observed, “Each Yankee player is likely to be asked to sign an acceptance of non-profit conditions before making the trip.” Kavetski continued, “It is recalled an amount of unpleasantness developed from the Giants’ 1953 tour. Upon completion of the tour, some of Leo Durocher’s players complained that they had been misled and jobbed about financial remuneration. There was absolutely no basis for the complaint. And the beef unjustly placed Japanese hosts in a bad light.”17 This was hardly goodwill. Indeed, it was a public-relations disaster that extended into the realm of foreign relations. Kavetski noted, “As Joe DiMaggio, who has been to Japan twice, said to New York sports writer Dan Daniel, ‘Stengel’s players can perform a great service to baseball and to international friendship if they sign up for the trip even though there is no prospect for personal financial gain.’”18

Why did the bad behavior of a few American baseball players border on an international incident? On April 28, 1952, the San Francisco Peace Treaty, signed by 49 nations, including the United States and Japan, officially ended World War II. It also ended the Allied Occupation. As such, the Giants were guests in a newly sovereign nation trying to find its way and to establish its identity on a global stage. Tour sponsor Yomiuri Shimbun, Japan’s largest newspaper, promised to pay each player 60 percent of the gate of their final two games in Osaka in return for their participation. Unfortunately, the resulting figure was smaller than the players expected. Only 5,000 of the 24,000 who attended the first of those games actually bought tickets. As a result, each player was to be paid $331, in addition to “walking around money.” While this was no small amount—it translates to approximately $3,550 in 2021 dollars—it was nowhere near the $3,000 they believed they would net. Writing in Pacific Stars and Stripes, Cpl. Perry Smith noted, “The individual players did not appreciate the ‘giving away of the remaining 19,000 tickets and six team members refused to dress for the final contest.” Although they were eventually persuaded to take the field, they were not happy. This represented a significant cut in revenue for players accustomed to making good money during the offseason.19

Although the players thought they had a legitimate beef, their complaints did not play well in the press. To demand more was a public insult. Conditions in Japan had certainly improved by 1953, when the Giants toured, but they were far from ideal. Poverty and unemployment were still an issue, as was Japan’s huge national debt. That representatives of a wealthy nation demanded payment from the representatives of a newly emerging nation looked especially bad. That the players themselves were no doubt viewed as wealthy by individual Japanese could not have helped, either. It was essential that the Yankees not make the same mistake, treating their hosts as inferior and not worthy of due respect.

In 1955, US-Japanese relations were still a work in progress. While arrangements for the tour were being discussed, Japanese Deputy Prime Minister Mamoru Shigemitsu visited the United States for talks with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. At a press conference, Shigemitsu, who simultaneously served as Japan’s foreign minister, “emphasized the desire of his government for a more independent partnership with the United States.” For Japan to make what Shigemitsu called “a fresh start,” he said, “we must talk things over frankly with the United States and see that the two governments understand each other.”20 Of course, Shigemitsu’s conference with Dulles had nothing directly to do with the goodwill baseball tour. But as he suggested, conditions laid down by a government seeking recognition of its independence had to be given their due. And given the timing, it would have been terrible optics were the insult to be repeated.

Ultimately, the Yankee players agreed and the tour was organized, but not before another major wrinkle had to be ironed out. Once Mainichi Shimbun offered its sponsorship, its chief competitor, Yomiuri Shimbun, countered with an offer to another team. Commissioner Frick was not having any of it. He responded negatively, announcing that simultaneous Japanese tours by two major-league clubs was out of the question—it would be one or none. Following their own delicate negotiation, competitors Mainichi and Yomiuri came to their own agreement. The two papers would sponsor tours by American clubs in alternating years.21

On August 23 George Weiss announced that the visit would proceed. Beginning with five games in Hawaii and ending with several more in Okinawa and Manila, the Yankees would leave New York shortly after the World Series on October 8 and planned to return on November 18. Included in the group of 64 travelers were many of the players’ wives, though some planned to stay behind in Hawaii. Among these wives were those of Andy Carey, Eddie Robinson, and Johnny Kucks, all of whom were on their honeymoons.22

The schedule, which included games in Tokyo, Osaka, Kyushu, Sendai, Sapporo, Nagoya, and Hiroshima, was announced on September 24. Tickets, which went on sale on October 1 for the Tokyo games to be played at Korakuen Stadium, ranged in price from 1,200 yen (approximately $3.33) for special reserved seats, to 300 yen (approximately 83 cents) for bleacher seating. Games at other stadiums would top out at 1,000 yen (approximately $2.77).23 According to Japan’s National Tax Agency, in 1955 private sector workers earned an average annual salary of 185,000 yen (approximately $513). This was a great improvement from the poverty of the early postwar years. Indeed, it was approaching twice the annual salary that private sector workers earned in 1950.24 But even a ticket to the bleachers would have been a considerable reach for the average worker. As a result, it is safe to assume that the live spectatorship for the Yankees games would have consisted primarily of well-off Japanese as well as American servicemen. Other Japanese fans had to make do with newspaper coverage, radio and, in many cases, television.25 Realistically speaking, television receivers were extremely expensive, making individual ownership rare—in 1953, for example, even the least expensive receivers cost more than a year’s wages for the average Japanese consumer.26 But this didn’t mean that television was only for the wealthy. As in the United States, sets were placed strategically in front of retail establishments in order to draw customers. Far more common, however, was the institution of gaito terebi, plaza televisions, sets situated in accessible public spaces, which gave rise to the practice of communal viewing.27 This would have enabled many Japanese fans to watch the games.

 

Cover of the 1955 Yankees’ Japan tour program featuring Mickey Mantle. (Rob Fitts Collection)

 

A Japanese poster promoting the series announced, “Unprecedented—the marvelous terrific team of our time—Champion of the Baseball World—New York Yankees—coming! Sixteen games in the whole country.”28 While not entirely accurate—the Yankees went on to lose the World Series to the Brooklyn Dodgers in seven games after the poster was printed—it did not matter to Japanese fans. Given the public response to the team’s arrival in Tokyo, the Yankees were, in fact, the “marvelous terrific team” of l955.

That the series had a purpose beyond “goodwill” was publicly stated by Vice President Nixon, speaking on behalf of President Eisenhower, on October 12. Eisenhower had, in fact, been involved with the planning, according to Del Webb. Prior to arranging the tour, Webb had discussed its potential benefits with the president, Secretary Dulles, and General Douglas MacArthur, former commander of the Allied powers in Japan. “I asked the president last summer if he thought a trip by the Yankees might help bring the American and Japanese people closer to each other,” said Webb. “He said it would.”29 So it was no surprise that Nixon made a statement, addressing Commissioner Frick, expressing the president’s best wishes. Nixon wrote, “Appearances in Japan by an American major league baseball team will contribute a great deal to increased mutual understanding between the people of the United States and the people of Japan, and thus to the cause of a just and lasting peace, which demands the continued friendship and cooperation of the nations of the Free World.”30 It was up to the Yankees, Nixon implied, to help cement the US-Japanese alliance, assuring that Japan would come down on the side of “freedom” rather than neutrality in the ongoing struggle against the unfree Soviet bloc. Of course, the vice president’s statement was a clear example of the inflated rhetoric of Cold War propaganda. But the message was unavoidable. Public relations played an essential role in geopolitics, and this tour was, above all else, an exercise in public relations.

Having fared well on their Hawaiian stop, winning all five games against a mixture of local teams and armed forces all-stars, and having survived their mobbing at the airport, the Yankees began their hectic schedule. The sodden but jubilant welcome was followed by a series of events, receptions, and press conferences. The next day, the team worked out while Stengel, who would serve as the face of the club, and Weiss attended a luncheon at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club. Lest it be thought that the tour consisted only of propaganda, the proceedings included their fair share of frivolous fun, which was also covered in the press. At the club, Stengel was presented with a gift—a large box, labeled “For 01’ Case.” According to the Nippon Times, “Stengel stood patiently by while bearers deposited the box at his feet. Then, lo and behold, a pretty girl in a kimono crashed through the wrapping pounding her fist into a baseball glove in the best tradition of the game.”31 Sensing an opportunity to get in on the act, Weiss “went through the motions of putting the girl’s name to a contract.” In what might, in twenty-first-century terms, be considered in very bad taste, Weiss asked her how much she wanted. But under the circumstances, Weiss’s actions were just part of the fun. Nevertheless, Stengel took a moment to emphasize the true nature of the tour. The Yankees were in Japan “on a serious mission of good will.”32

It would be nice to say that the first game, held on Saturday, October 22, went off without a hitch. But rarely does this happen when there are so many moving parts. This time, Opal did more than just soak a parade. The typhoon caused a postponement of Game Five of the Japanese championship series between the Nankai Hawks and the Yomiuri Giants, which was scheduled to be played at Korakuen Stadium on Friday. As a result, the Yankees contest had to be moved to the evening to accommodate both games. A smaller crowd than expected—35,000, about 5,000 shy of a capacity crowd—turned out to see the Yankees make quick work of the Mainichi Orions, beating the Japanese team 10-2.33 After Kaoru Hatoyama, the wife of the prime minister, threw out the first pitch—the very first wife of a head of state to do so at a major-league game, exhibition or otherwise—fans and dignitaries were treated to a 10-hit barrage by the Yankees, including two home runs and a triple by rookie catcher Elston Howard. The Orions countered with seven hits, but committed a costly first-inning error in their loss. The crowd, which included Thomas E. Dewey and his wife, was not disappointed.34

Baseball, however, never completely supplanted diplomacy, as Prime Minister Hatoyama greeted the Yankees, Frick, and their entourage at a reception. Among the many photo ops, one stood out. Hatoyama, having been presented with a Yankees hat by Stengel, became the first Japanese prime minister to wear a baseball cap.35

The Yankees were once again victorious in the second game at Korakuen Stadium, this time defeating All-Tokyo (a team composed of Pacific and Central all-stars) 11-6 in front of a capacity crowd. A ninth-inning grand slam by first baseman Eddie Robinson off the Japanese Central League’s Rookie of the Year, Kazunori Nishimura, sealed the victory. This time, the Japanese players’ bats were not quiet. All-Tokyo managed seven hits against Bob Turley and Bob Grim. Only Mickey Mantle underperformed. Fans, perhaps unreasonably, expected big things out of the injured Mantle, who had played only part time in the World Series, a few weeks earlier. Mantle struck out three times in the second game, after whiffing once during a pinch-hitting appearance in the first game.36

With the third game in Tokyo postponed until later in the trip, the Yankees moved on to Sendai, 304 kilometers to the north on Japan’s east coast. As in Tokyo, they were mobbed. Greeted by another throng, their motorcade tied up traffic for two hours en route from their hotel to Miyagi Stadium, where once again they went head-to-head with All-Tokyo.37 Ending New York’s winning streak, the Tokyo squad played to a 1-1 tie, despite the fact that they had but one hit. But the Yankees also committed an error, allowing All-Tokyo to score its run.38 From Sendai, both teams flew to Sapporo, located on Hokkaido, the northernmost main island, where they played for an overflow crowd of 30,000. Returning to form, Mantle finally got going, hitting two doubles to the delight of the spectators, in the Yankees’ 11-0 rout of the all-stars.39

Another huge crowd, complete with its own ticker-tape parade and its own storm, greeted the Yankees in Osaka, in the southwestern part of the main island. There the American club took on the Nankai Hawks. Like the Yankees, the Hawks had been unable to win a championship, having fallen to Yomiuri Giants in the 1955 Japan Series. Japan’s second-best team fell to America’s as well, losing in a 7-0 shutout. The crowd was unusually sparse for this contest, for reasons beyond the control of both teams. Once again, rain interfered. Only 15,000 fans came out to see the game.40

There was no such paucity of spectators for the second game in the Osaka area, where 30,000 turned up at Nishinomiya Stadium on October 29 to see the All-Osaka nine lose 6-1 as the Yankees amassed 16 hits. Bob Cerv, substituting for Mantle, thrilled the crowd with a “tremendous 430-foor homer.” Once again Turley and Grim performed masterfully against the best players in the region.41

The next day Cerv homered again and collected all four of the Yankees’ RBIs against the Pacific League All-Stars. Cerv went on to double in the eighth, once again scoring Martin with the final run. The All-Stars scored as well—once in the seventh inning and once in the eighth—but it was not enough to put the Japanese team over the top.42 Had the Yankees done nothing more than entertain Japanese baseball fans in Osaka, it most likely would have been sufficient to gamer goodwill and burnish America’s reputation in the eyes of the Japanese. But they were teachers as well as performers. The Yankees held a clinic for more than 200 participants. Coach Bill Dickey worked with the local players on catching techniques, while Jim Turner tutored them on pitching. Gus Mauch, the Yankee trainer, held his own clinic as well.43 According to Tokyo journalist N. Sakata, who had recently traveled to the United States to cover an international tournament and the World Series, the Yankees’ primary role was to provide instruction to their Japanese opponents. Writing in The Sporting News, Sakata observed, “(The Yankees’) way of sliding is something we have to learn. Some of the Yankee players tell me that the Japanese way of defending bases is very dangerous to themselves. The Japanese players are not accustomed to the American way of base-sliding.”44

Next on the itinerary, the Yankees flew to Nagoya to play the Chunichi Dragons, before returning to Osaka. A crowd of 33,000 came out to see the New Yorkers face Dragons ace Shigeru Sugishita. The Yankees touched up Sugishita for seven runs, including another home run by Robinson and doubles by Kucks and Yogi Berra, while the Dragons managed just three hits and no runs off Kucks and Tom Sturdivant.45 Conspicuously absent was the underperforming Mantle. Injury was not the cause. The Yankees erstwhile slugger left Japan early to attend to his ill wife, Merlyn, who was expected to give birth imminently.46 Despite Mantle’s anemic performance in part-time play, Japanese fans were disappointed. They had been holding out hope that he would break out of his slump and that they would be there to witness it.47

November 3, a Japanese holiday celebrating the birthday of the Meiji Emperor (1852-1912), who both modernized and militarized the country, was another banner day for the Yankees. Drawing one of the largest crowds in Japanese baseball at the time, the Yankees and All-Japan played in front of 70,000, paying an average of 720 yen each, at Koshien Stadium. Once again, the Yankees emerged victorious, defeating their opponents by a score of 7-3, behind a home run from Billy Martin, who may have made the crowd forget Mantle’s absence.48

But the real victor here was US-Japanese relations. In Osaka the Yankees made a move that, as Red McQueen, writing in The Sporting News, observed, “solidified the importance of their visit as good-will ambassadors of the United States and Organized Ball.” Before he, too, left Japan, Weiss spoke enthusiastically about the quality of Japanese baseball, appointing Henry Tadashi “Bozo” Wakabayashi, coach of the Tombow Unions of Japan’s Pacific League, an official Yankees scout. Said Weiss, “As the one who inaugurated the Yankee scouting and baseball school system, I have long wanted to institute an exchange between the Japanese pro circuits and the leagues in America. We would be interested in players who stood out and we would be very happy if we found one. However, we would not sign a Japanese player merely for publicity.”49 It is possible that Weiss was being honest. Still, it would take more than four decades for the Yankees to sign their first Japanese player, Hideki Irabu, in 1997. A genuine desire to sign a Japanese player does not seem to have been the real aim of Wakabayashi’s appointment. It was, in fact, publicity, but not for the Yankees. In a sense, it represented a public recognition of the emerging status of Japanese baseball in international sports, and, by extension, a representation of Japan’s independence and the type of new understanding between the American and Japanese people. While it may not have been specifically what Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Shigemitsu had in mind, it signaled the type of respect that Shigemitsu expected would be extended to Japan by the United States.

From Osaka, the Yankees once again boarded a plane, this time for Fukuoka, on the southernmost of the major Japanese islands, Kyushu, to play the Nishitetsu Lions. In the eyes of an unnamed sports- writer for the Nippon Times, the Yankees “annihilated” the Lions, 14-1. Perhaps this was not the best language to use, given Fukuoka’s proximity to Nagasaki, but the lede on the sports page of an English-language Japanese newspaper was not noteworthy enough to cause a stir. Once again, Robinson homered—this time a grand slam. So did Hank Bauer, Andy Carey, Bob Cerv, and pitcher Don Larsen, who hit .146 during the regular season. The Lions managed five hits. A single by outfielder Hiroshi Oshita drove in Akinobu Kono for the team’s only run.50 Then it was on to Shimonoseki, at the very tip of the main island, not far from Fukuoka. Once again, the Americans poured it on, touching up the Pacific-Central All-Stars pitching for 19 hits and 12 runs. All-Stars shortstop Yasumitsu Toyoda managed a two-run homer off Turley in the third inning for the Pacific-Central team’s only runs.51

The tour’s last stop before returning to Tokyo for the final series of games was Hiroshima, where the Yankees defeated the Central All-Stars, 6-2. This time the New York squad had to come from behind to defeat its opponents, who jumped out to an early 2-0 lead.52 Perhaps not surprisingly, the game, not the city’s history, was the emphasis of this visit. By 1955 Hiroshima had rebounded. The city played a significant role in the Japanese Miracle, becoming a center for weapon manufacturing and procurements during the Korean War.53 Nevertheless, concerns about the long-term effects of radioactive fallout remained.

While the Yankees were in Japan, a small group from Hiroshima were visiting New York, but for different reasons. An item in the Nippon Times about a member of the Yankees traveling party tells a story not included on the sports page. Toshio Ota, a transplanted Hiroshima resident living in New York, accompanied the team on its trip. Ota reported to the newspaper about the welfare of the Hiroshima Maidens.54 A group of 25 girls and young women—hibakusha, survivors of the atomic bombs—who had been badly disfigured in the attack, were taken to New York under the auspices of the American Friends Service Committee and several other organizations, with the help of Saturday Review editor Norman Cousins, to undergo reconstructive plastic surgery. Both the patients and physicians came to be seen as symbols of developing understanding and goodwill between the United States and Japan, as did the Yankees on their tour, though in a far more important fashion. Moreover, the Maidens’ treatment cast a public spotlight on the devastation of nuclear warfare.55

On November 10 the Yankees returned to Tokyo for four games, three that had been previously scheduled and the rescheduled contest against the Yomiuri Giants. Once again facing the Central League AllStars, the Yankees continued their streak against Japan’s best, winning 6-1. And once again they came from behind, this time after Yoshio Yoshida tripled, scoring on a fielder’s choice. In fact, the Yankees were held hitless over the first three innings by pitcher Kazunori Nishimura but broke out in the fourth with four runs.56 The streak continued the next day, as the Yankees rode roughshod over the Japanese champions, shutting out the Giants 11-0. As in the previous game, the Yankees were held scoreless, though not hitless, until the fourth inning. Then the tide turned. They scored three in the fourth and eight in the sixth. Despite a triple by Morimichi Iwashita and doubles by Takashi Iwamoto and Andy Miyamoto, a Hawaiian member of the Giants squad, the Tokyo effort turned into an exercise in futility.57

Korakuen Stadium also hosted the final two games of the tour, as the Yankees played the Pacific League All-Stars and the Japan All-Stars. Neither the first game against the Pacific team nor the two that preceded it drew huge crowds, but attendance was still substantial. Some 20,000 turned out to see the Yankees shut out their Japanese opponents yet again, this time by 10-0, outhitting the All-Stars 12 to 4.58 Not surprisingly, the final game, played on November 13, drew quite well. According to the Nippon Times, 35,000 cheering fans joined the Yankees, “saying say- onara.” Surprisingly, unlike 14 out of the previous 15 contests, the Tokyo outfit outhit the Yankees, 8 to 7. Yogi Berra homered twice in the Yankees’ 9-3 win. But as was true for the other 15 games, the spectators had not come to see the Japanese win, but rather, to see the American celebrities do what they did best.59

Still, there were doubts that the Yankees had given the games their all. After the final contest, Tokuro Konishi, a former professional manager, announced to his radio audience that the Yankees had played only to 70 to 80 percent of their ability, so as not to make the local players look too bad. A bemused Stengel replied, “Our players gave their best to win and I’m proud of the fine impression they made.” American League umpire John Stevens, who worked the whole series, concurred. “We had a wonderful trip,” noted Stengel. “The fans treated us swell.”60

After a final day packing and shopping in Tokyo, the Yankees departed for Okinawa, then a United States protectorate, and the Philippines. Unlike the 1953 Giants tour, the Yankees’ goodwill trip was an unmitigated success. Indeed, even the New York Times, which had paid it scant attention, declared it so.61 Red McQueen, writing in the Honolulu Advertiser, agreed. “This morale, patriotic and goodwill stuff can be stretched a bit too far, but in the case of the recent visit of the New York Yankees and their present tour of Japan and the Philippines, it is one of the most diplomatic excursions in the history of sports,” opined McQueen. “Except for the explicit purpose of spreading goodwill between the respective nations, it is doubtful that a venture of this nature could ever have materialized.”62 Whether or not the tour had a direct effect on US-Japanese relations, it provided great optics. It was a public-relations coup. While the relationship between the two nations, one already a global superpower, the other on its way to becoming a major player in the world economy, would take a few more years to form into a solid alliance, Japan finally came down firmly on the side of the United States in the Cold War. The Yankees’ goodwill tour provided a vision of what cooperation between the two countries might look like. By respecting Japan’s newfound sovereignty and serving as exemplary guests—even Martin, Ford, and Mantle, while he was there, seem to have behaved themselves—the New York Yankees and major-league baseball as a whole participated in what might be called their own Japanese miracle.

ROBERTA J. NEWMAN is a clinical professor of liberal studies at New York University. Her work focuses on the many intersections between baseball and popular culture. She is co-author of Black Baseball, Black Business: Race Enterprise and the Fate of the Segregated Dollar (2014), and author of Here’s the Pitch: the Amazing, True, New, and Improved Story of Baseball and Advertising (2019), as well as numerous articles on these and other topics. Currently, she is at work on a project dealing with Japanese baseball, manga, and cultural identities.

 

 

NOTES

1 “Mobbed at the Airport,” Nippon , October 21, 1955: 1.

2 Bob Bowie, “Thousands Greet Yankees in Tokyo,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, October 21, 1955.

3 “Royal Welcome Greets the Yankees,” Nippon Times, October 21, 1955: 1.

4 “5 Killed, 22 Injured as Opal Hits Kinki,” Nippon Times, October 21, 1955: 1.

5 “Dewey to Inspect Japan’s ‘Strides’,” Nippon Times, October 21, 1955: 1.

6 “Dewey to Inspect Japan’s ‘Strides’.”

7 John W. Dower, Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II (New York: W.W. Norton, 1999), 44.

8 “Japanese Miracle,” Farlex Financial Dictionary, 2009, accessed November 27, 2021, https://financial-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/Japanese+Miracle.

9 Aaron Forsberg, America and the Japanese Miracle: The Cold War Context of Japan’s Postwar Economic Revival, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 17.

10 Forsberg, 27.

11 Forsberg, 42.

12 “Japan and the WTO,” World Trade Organization, accessed November 27, 2021, https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/countries_e/japan_e.htm.

13 “Yankees May Visit Japan This Autumn,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, June 3, 1955: 24.

14 “Bombers ‘Quite Certain’ to Play Here This Fall,” Nippon Times, August 1, 1955: 4.

15 F.N. Mike, “Times at Bat,” Nippon Times, July 23, 1955: 5.

16 “U.S., Japan Reported Backing Post-Season Tour by the Yankees,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, June 18, 1955: 24.

17 Lee Kavetski, “Chotto Matte, Tourists,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, August 3, 1955: 22.

18 Kavetski.

19 Cpl. Perry Smith, “Giants Net $331 Each, Expected $3,000,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, November 10, 1953: 14.

20 “Shigemitsu Says Japan Must Move Toward Complete Independence,” Washington Post and Times Herald, August 27, 1955: 1.

21 Dan Daniel, “Plans Shaping Up for Yankee Team to Play in Japan,” The Sporting News, August 3, 1955: 1-2.

22 Robert W. Bowie, “Tokyo Sets Welcome for Yankees,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, October 21, 1955: 26.

23 “Visiting Yanks to Open Against Mainichi Club,” Nippon Times, September 24, 1955, 8. The exchange rate, as established by the Bretton Woods system, was set at a fixed rate of 360 yen per dollar between 1947 and 1971. “Timeline: Milestones in the yen’s history, Reuters, accessed December 3, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-yen/timeline-milestones-in-the-yens-history-idUSTRE49QiAN20o8i027.

24 Statistical Survey of Actual Status for Salary in the Private Sector, National Tax Agency in “Changes in Wage-Workers Salaries in Japan, 1950-2013,” accessed December 4, 2021, https://nbakki.hatenablog.com/entry/Changes_Wage-W0rkers_Salary_1950-2013.

25 “Radio and TV Highlights,” Nippon Times, October 22,1955: 4.

26 Jayson Makoto Chun, A Nation of a Hundred Million Idiots? A Social History of Japanese Television, 1953-1973 (New York: Routledge, 2006), 55.

27 Chun, 61.

28 “‘World Champions’—It Says Here,” The Sporting News, October 12, 1955: 18.

29 “Webb Sees Japanese in Majors Soon,” Nippon Times, November 1o, 1955: 5.

30 “Nixon Extends Yanks Best Wishes on Trip,” Nippon Times, October 13, 1955: 5.

31 David M. Jampel, “Casey Finds Shortstop at Press Club Lunch,” Nippon Times, October 22, 1955: 5.

32 Jampel.

33 Red McQueen, “Yankee Crowds Total 135,000 for First Four Games in Japan,” The Sporting News, November 2, 1955: 7.

34 “Yanks Cop Debut,” Nippon Times, October 23, 1955: 1, 2.

35 “Yanks Cop Debut.”

36 “Yanks Batter Stars, 11-6,” Nippon Times, October 24, 1955: 3.

37 “Sendai Pours Out to Greet Yankee Team,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, October 26, 1955: 24.

38 “Tokyo All-Star Nine Ties Yankees 1-1, Break Stengelmen’s 7-Game Streak,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, October 26, 1955: 24.

39 “Yanks Hand Japan Nine 11-0 Setback,” Nippon Times, October 27, 1955: 5.

40 “Yanks Blank Hawks,” Nippon Times, October 29, 1955: 9.

41 “Bombers Beat All-Osaka,” Nippon Times, October 30, 1955: 5.

42 “Yanks Beat All-Pacific, 4-2,” Nippon Times, October 31, 1955, 5; Red McQueen, “Yankees Name Scout to Cover Japanese Loops,” The Sporting News, November 9, 1955: 9.

43 “200 Attend First Yankee Clinic,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, October 30, 1955: 24.

44 “‘Yankees Trying to Teach Us,’ Says Japanese Scribe,” The Sporting News, November 9, 1955: 9.

45 “Yanks Blank Dragons, 7-0,” Nippon Times, November 2, 1955: 5.

46 “Mickey Mantle Leaving for U.S.,” Nippon Times, November 1, 1955: 5.

47 >Red McQueen, “Yankees Name Scout to Cover Japanese Loops,” The Sporting News, November 9, 1955: 9.

48 McQueen, “Yankees Name Scout to Cover Japanese Loops.”

49 McQueen, “Yankees Name Scout to Cover Japanese Loops.”

50 “Yankees Blast Lions, 14-1,” Nippon Times, November 6, 1955: 5.

51 “Yanks Slam Stars, 12-2,” Nippon Times, November 7, 1955: 5.

52 “Yankees Win Again, 6-2,” Nippon Times, November 9, 1955: 5.

53 “II Period of High Economic Growth,” Hiroshima for Global Peace, accessed December 5, 2021, https://hiroshi- maforpeace.com/en/fukkoheiwakenkyu/vol1/1-36/.

54 “With Yankees,” Nippon Times, October 25, 1955: 3.

55 Aron D. Wahrman, “Caring for the Hiroshima Maidens,” Bulletin of the American College of Surgeons, accessed December 5, 2021, https://bulletin.facs.org/2020/03/caring-for-the-hiroshima-maidens/.

56 “Yanks Beat Central Stars, 6-1,” Nippon Times, November 11, 1955: 8.

57 “Yanks Wallop Giants,” Nippon Times, November 12, 1955: 5.

58 “Yankees Rout Pacific Stars,” Nippon Times, November 13, 1955: 10.

59 Yanks Trip Stars, 9-3,” Nippon Times, November 14, 1955: 5.

60 “Stengel Disclaims Yanks Held Back,” Nippon Times, November 14, 1955: 5.

61 “Yankees’ Tour Successful, New York Times Comments,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, November 18, 1955: 24.

62 Red McQueen, “Yankee Tour Truly a Patriotic Gesture,” The Sporting News, October 26, 1955: 15.

63 Listed Japanese players have a minimum of five at-bats, three innings pitched, or a decision. Yoshikazu Matsubayashi, Baseball Game History: Japan vs, U.S.A. (Tokyo: Baseball Magazine, 2004), 92; Nippon Professional Baseball Records, https://www.2689web.com/nb.html.

]]>
Babe Ruth’s Lost 715th Home Run https://sabr.org/journal/article/babe-ruths-lost-715th-home-run/ Sat, 12 Jan 2019 22:11:22 +0000
]]>
1932 Winter Meetings: Wealth of Changes Revitalizes Baseball in Poor Times https://sabr.org/journal/article/1932-wealth-of-changes-revitalizes-baseball-in-poor-times/ Mon, 03 Oct 2016 00:28:41 +0000

Introduction and Context

America was engulfed in the Great Depression when the 1932 Winter Meetings arrived, and like everything else, its greatest pastime was affected negatively. For lack of funds, only 16 minor-league circuits completed the 1932 season, down from the 25 that did so three years prior.1 As a result, many baseball players were forced into unemployment. It was necessary for the National Association to reorganize in accordance with the plans that had been conceived at their West Baden, Indiana, meeting in 1931. “The annual convention,” reported Edgar G. Brands of The Sporting News, was expected to be “the most important [for the National Association] since its organization.”2

Delegates met December 7-9 in Columbus, Ohio, at the Deshler-Wallick Hotel, at the time considered one of the most luxurious hotels in the city. With an approximate population of 290,000, Columbus was not cluttered or difficult to navigate. 3

Meanwhile, major-league baseball was prepared to discuss everything from competitive balance to World Series shares to attendance figures to radio broadcasting rights. Though the major-league teams were in a less dire condition than their minor-league brethren, few were coming off profitable seasons and steps had to be taken to ensure that the sport could weather the economic storm. Everything took place in New York City at the Commodore Hotel in Midtown Manhattan. The American and National Leagues held separate sessions on December 13-14 and convened for a joint meeting on the 15th.

Player/Personnel Movement (National Association)

The player market was largely untouched during the Columbus meetings. The inactivity was unsurprising because movement had been minimal throughout the summer and fall, too. The majors didn’t execute any deals between themselves and the minors during the three days.

However, a couple of unusual transactions were announced. Two American Association umpires (R.W. Snyder and Joe Rue) were swapped for a pair from the Pacific Coast League (Tom Dunn and Eddie McLaughlin).4 This was simply for the convenience of the men involved, allowing them to work closer to home. Also, a manager and coach effectively swapped places. Del Baker, manager of the Beaumont Exporters, the Texas League affiliate of the Detroit Tigers, headed to the major-league club as a coach for manager Bucky Harris and Detroit coach Bob Coleman was named manager of Beaumont. Baker later managed the Tigers for several seasons, winning the AL pennant in 1940. Coleman, a veteran minor-league skipper, took the reins in Beaumont and later resurfaced in the majors at the helm of the Boston Braves (1943-1945).

Player/Personnel Movement in the Majors

Covering the Winter Meetings for The Sporting News, Daniel M. Daniel reported that major-league executives “certainly set a record” in making no fewer than 12 trades. “Most of them were of primary importance,” he added.5

Brooklyn Dodgers manager Max Carey made it known that he was interested in adding pitching depth. He offered second baseman Neal Finn, third baseman Jack Warner, right-handed reliever Austin “Cy” Moore, and $15,000 to the Philadelphia Phillies for right-handed starter Ray Benge. Originally, the Phillies were unwilling to accept until Finn was included. Although not known for his hitting ability, Finn was the premier defensive player they needed to fill a gaping hole in the infield. Tragically, Finn needed midseason surgery to repair an ulcer, and he died on July 7.6

Outfielder and third baseman Freddie Lindstrom of the New York Giants was eager to be dealt during the meetings. Longtime manager John McGraw had retired in June, and Lindstrom didn’t enjoy playing under the direction of his successor, first baseman Bill Terry. The Giants’ sixth-place finish only lowered his spirits further. Three teams had to get involved, but ultimately Lindstrom became a Pittsburgh Pirate. To acquire him, the Bucs traded right-hander Glenn Spencer to the Giants and outfielder Gus Dugas and $15,000 to the Phillies. The Phillies received outfielder Chick Fullis from the Giants and sent them center fielder George “Kiddo” Davis to fill the vacancy left by Lindstrom’s departure.

President Clark Griffith of the Washington Senators was concerned with bulking up his bullpen. He gladly moved Harley Boss, the first baseman for his Southern Association affiliate in Chattanooga, to the Cleveland Indians for right-handed reliever Jack Russell and minor-league first baseman Bruce Connatser. Russell rewarded his new team in 1933 with 12 wins and a 2.69 earned-run average.

Struggling left-handed pitcher Carl Fischer was dealt twice before the “wild trading orgy” was through.7 On December 13 the St. Louis Browns swapped him for Washington righty Dick Coffman. Only hours after changing teams, Fischer was packaged with the steady right-handed reliever Firpo Marberry and sent to the Tigers for 10-year veteran Earl Whitehill. This also paid immediate dividends for the Senators, as the left-handed Whitehill logged 270 innings and won 22 games in 1933, leading them to the pennant. And St. Louis and Washington weren’t through dealing with each other. The Browns gave up outfielders Goose Goslin and Fred Schulte, along with starting pitcher Lefty Stewart, and their compensation included outfielders Carl Reynolds and Sam West, southpaw Lloyd Brown and $20,000. This deal was warmly received in the nation’s capital. Goslin, a future Hall of Famer, had broken into the majors with the Senators and spent parts of 10 seasons with them before his stint with the Browns. They also knew of Stewart’s ability firsthand, as he had defeated the Nationals 10 times in 1931 and ’32. While Goslin and Schulte played key roles in the Senators’ pennant-winning campaign, St. Louis fell into the cellar the next year for the first time since 1913.

Desperate to rebound from miserable seasons, the Boston Red Sox (43-111) and Chicago White Sox (49-102) did a bit of business. Boston sent shortstop Al Rhyne and right-handed starting pitcher Eddie Durham to Chicago for outfielders Bob Fothergill and Bob Seeds, shortstop Gregory Mulleavy, and infielder Johnny Hodapp. None of these six players contributed much to their new teams, but both clubs fared far better in 1933 (the White Sox won 67 games, the Red Sox, 63).

Several teams plucked promising young players from the minor leagues. By sending shortstop Doc Marshall plus $5,000 to the Buffalo Bisons of the International League, the Giants added third baseman Blondy Ryan. The Brooklyn Dodgers obtained coveted shortstop Linus Frey of the Southern Association’s Nashville Vols for right-handed pitcher Earl Mattingly and $10,000. The Boston Braves purchased infielders Dick Gyselman and Al Wright from the Mission Reds of the Pacific Coast League for $60,000, and threw in pitcher-third baseman Bucky Walters. Though the 23-year-old Walters hadn’t accomplished much at this point in his career, he eventually developed into a six-time All-Star and the National League’s Most Valuable Player in 1939.

All but three of the 16 major-league franchises made trades during the Winter Meetings. The exceptions were the pennant-winning Chicago Cubs (90-64) and New York Yankees (107-47), and the Philadelphia Athletics, winners of 94 games. Yankees business manager Ed Barrow and skipper Joe McCarthy considered a couple of deals, but felt little pressure to make a move after winning close to 70 percent of their games. “I’ve got the best club in the world,” McCarthy said, “and it hasn’t started to slip yet.”8 This may have jinxed the Yankees, who would finish second in the standings in 1933. The Cubs and A’s followed up their 1932 seasons by dropping into third place.

Rule Changes and Other Business (National Association)

As was necessary, the Columbus meeting of the National Association led to “revolutionary changes.”9 Contrary to what had been reported earlier in the offseason, Judge William G. Bramham was willing to run for president and he was elected unanimously. New officers were chosen to comprise the Executive Committee, which replaced the National Board of Arbitration. Warren Giles, general manager of the International League’s Rochester Red Wings; J. Alvin Gardner, Texas League president; and Dale Gear, president of the Western League and the Western Association, were selected as representatives of the Class AA (Giles), Class A (Gardner), and Class B, C, and D leagues (Gear). Bramham’s election filled the hole created when Michael H. Sexton, National Association president since 1909, was ousted in 1931. Sexton’s tenure as president remained in 2016 the longest in the history of the minors.

From the first sessions on December 7, the Committee of Five, the executives temporarily running the Association after Sexton was outsted, urged the minor leagues to establish salary limits that would aid competitive balance while safeguarding the clubs in uncertain economic times. Most circuits obliged, but because the Class-AA leagues were unable to agree upon a satisfactory figure, each one was allowed to determine its own limit.10

The Association’s charter was amended to reflect the expansive reorganization. It was decided that annual meetings would be moved up to the third Wednesday in November. To raise funds for the maintenance of the Association, the president was directed to keep 2 percent of the money paid to clubs whenever they reassigned players. Similarly, 3 percent of the gross gate receipts of all postseason series were to be paid to the treasury. Together with the president, the new Executive Committee was to approve league membership applications and require applicants to pay a fee for admittance.

Illness — the flu in most cases — prevented several key figures from attending. Presidents William E. Benswanger of the Pittsburgh Pirates and Bob Quinn of the Boston Red Sox, and Brooklyn’s manager Max Carey were absent. Those who checked in but were physically limited included Perry B. Farrell, Thomas J. Hickey, and Clarence Howland, presidents of the New York-Penn League, American Association, and International League respectively.11

Galveston, Texas, was chosen to host the 1933 convention, thanks to the efforts of Ray Koehler and Billy Webb of the Galveston minor-league club. Indianapolis, Louisville, and Springfield, Massachusetts, also made bids.

Rule Changes and Other Business (Major Leagues)

Radio broadcasting was a hotly contested topic at the New York gathering. Owners William L. Veeck Sr. (Cubs), Judge Emil Fuchs (Braves), and Quinn (Red Sox) were known advocates, while some club owners, including those of all three New York clubs, were opposed. They felt broadcasts cut into ticket sales by deterring people from attending the games. The issue was put to rest at the joint meeting on December 15, when it was announced that each club could do whatever was in its best interests.12

A general reduction in salaries was inevitable. All umpires had to take pay cuts, and every club except the Yankees decided to drop one or more coaches to shed expenses.13 Yankees business manager Ed Barrow, however, was no less motivated to save money. He was steadfast with the soon-to-be 38-year-old Babe Ruth and lowered his pay from $75,000 to $52,000.14 The player limit was left at 23, but clubs were required to reach that number by May 15. The annual cutoff had previously been June 15, a date that was retained as the major-league trade deadline.

John A. Heydler, reelected president of the National League for a fifth term, said he would work for a smaller salary because of the economy. Steve McKeever (Brooklyn), Gerald Nugent (Philadelphia), Sam Breadon (St. Louis), and Sidney Weil (Cincinnati) comprised his board of directors for 1933.

Summary

“The majors are like a big building,” Heydler declared in Columbus. “If the foundation lacks strength the structure is in grave danger.”15 Minor-league baseball was the “foundation” to which he was referring and after the 1932 Winter Meetings, it was far sturdier thanks to “the willingness of all, from top to bottom, to shoulder the burdens and accept the responsibilities placed upon them.”16 Now reorganized, the National Association was better prepared to endure the harsh economic times.

 

Sources

In addition to the sources cited in the Notes, the author also consulted:

Altenburg, Jess, Edgar G. Brands, and Bill Wambsganss. “Radical Changes to Be Made in Baseball Map and Regulations at Minors’ Meeting at Columbus,” The Sporting News, December 1, 1932: 6.

Lentz, Ed. Columbus: The Story of a City (Charleston, South Carolina: Arcadia Publishing, 2003), 116-118.

Thompson, Denman. “Griff Considering Bids for Young First Sacker,” The Sporting News, December 8, 1932: 1.

 

Notes

1 “The 3rd President,” on The Official Site of Minor League Baseball, July 8, 2011. Accessed January 1, 2012: louisville.bats.milb.com/milb/history/presidents.jsp?mc=_bramham.

2 Edgar G. Brands, “Battle Lines Drawn as Minors Get Ready to Tackle Problems,” The Sporting News, December 1, 1932: 1.

3 Irven Schelback, “Ambitious Programs Outlined for Delegates to Meeting,” The Sporting News, December 8, 1932: 3.

4 “Class AA Ball Loops Can Set Own Pay Rolls,” San Diego Union, December 10, 1932: 8.

5 Daniel M. Daniel, “Twelve Deals, Involving total of 42 Athletes, to Bring About Unusual Changes in Rosters,” The Sporting News, December 22, 1932: 3.

6 “Mickey Finn Dies; Phils Infielder,” Boston Herald, July 8, 1933: 6.

7 Tom Swope, “Cincy Fans Smiling the Sunny Jim Way,” The Sporting News, December 22, 1932: 1.

8 Joe Vila, “‘Why Should I Want to Deal?’” The Sporting News, December 22, 1932: 5.

9 “Revolutionary Changes Voted Into the National Agreement,” The Sporting News, December 15, 1932: 5.

10 Edgar G. Brands, “National Association Revamped, Judge Bramham Named Head, Headquarters Moved to Durham,” The Sporting News, December 15, 1932: 5.

11 “National Association Revamped,” 5.

12 “Commissioner Will Find Farms ‘Posted,’ ” The Sporting News, December 22, 1932: 3.

13 Harry Neily, “Heydler Gives Note of Cheer to Minors,” The Sporting News, December 15, 1932: 3.

14 Daniel R. Levitt, Ed Barrow: The Bulldog Who Built the Yankees’ First Dynasty (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2008), 285.

15 “Heydler Gives Note of Cheer to Minors.”

16 “Revolutionary Changes Voted Into the National Agreement.”

]]>
Mike Donlin, Movie Actor https://sabr.org/journal/article/mike-donlin-movie-actor/ Mon, 16 Apr 2001 17:17:12 +0000 Scores of professional ballplayers have made their way from the big leagues to the big screen. A few, including Chuck Connors, Bob Uecker, and John Beradino (who played for the Browns, Indians, and Pirates as Johnny Berardino), became successful actors or media personalities. Some, notably Babe Ruth, appeared in movies as themselves, or as thinly veiled versions of themselves. Still others have been extras or bit players in comedies, action-adventures, dramas-and baseball films. But one ballplayer was the first to regularly be listed in film credits as well as box scores. He is Michael Joseph “Turkey Mike” Donlin, who played in the big leagues between 1899 and 1914.

In his overview of Donlin’s career, which appeared in the Baseball Research Journal last year, Michael Betzold cites the ballplayer-turned-actor’s screen work in the final paragraphs. Additionally, in my 1994 book Great Baseball Films, I devote a chapter to Donlin as a vaudevillian and movie actor. However, given his status as a pioneer ballplayer-turned-screen performer, Donlin’s celluloid career is worthy of further scrutiny.

Make no mistake, Mike Donlin was no movie star. Nor was he movie star material. While not homely, he was not handsome; his voice was ordinary sounding; his demeanor was less than charismatic. In most of his films, he was a supporting actor and, occasionally, even an uncredited bit player. He may have worked with such pantheon directors as John Ford, William A. Wellman, and Josef von Sternberg. He may have had roles in several bona-fide classics, including The General and Beggars of Life, released respectively in 1927 and 1928. He may have been employed by the A-list film studios. And he may have appeared in films starring screen legends from Jean Arthur, Wallace Beery, and Louise Brooks to Will Rogers and Mae West. Yet just as often, his directors, co-stars, and films are long-forgotten, and his studios are strictly poverty row.

Furthermore, even when Donlin earned billing, most of his screen roles were nondescript. Rarely was he a key supporting player. His characters either added background color and atmosphere or served to move the story along.

Quite a few of Donlin’s early screen appearances are in films that no longer exist. Such is the case with his debut feature: Right Off the Bat, released in 1915, a baseball drama in which he starred as himself. It was his only celluloid leading role.

Happily, his next screen appearance came in a film that still may be viewed. It is Raffles, the Amateur Cracksman, released in 1917, in which Donlin appears in a supporting role as Crawshay, a stick-up man. He shares several minutes of screen time in the company of two celebrated actors: John Barrymore, the film’s star, who is cast as the title character, a gentleman thief; and an astonishingly young Frank Morgan twenty-two years before playing his most celebrated screen role, the title character in The Wizard of Oz. After appearing onscreen, Donlin’s Crawshay points a gun at Barrymore’s Raffles and Morgan’s Bunny Manders. His intention is to pilfer some gems, which are referred to in the intertitles as  “sparklers” and “dem jewels,” but is easily manipulated by the crafty Raffles.

Donlin’s friendship with Barrymore led to his being cast in the film, as well as in The Sea Beast, a Barrymore swashbuckler released in 1926. In his 1944 biography, Good Night, Sweet Prince, Gene Fowler noted that Barrymore had “all sorts of friends,” among them Donlin, Jack Dempsey, Winston Churchill, and Albert Einstein. “It pleased [Barrymore] when any of these faces could be seen on his set or in his dressing room,” Fowler added.

Raffles, the Amateur Cracksman and The Sea Beast are of course silent films, as are more than half of Donlin’s fifty-odd screen credits. Among his “talkies,” or early sound films, is Hot Curves, a 1930 baseball comedy in which he plays a gruff scout who signs frenetic, double-talking train concessionaire Benny Goldberg (Benny Rubin) to a contract. The scout utters a line that might have been ad-libbed by Donlin, who played for the New York Giants for several seasons. It sounds like “I hope McGraw’ll be sold,” but the scout actually is referring to “McGrew,” his team’s skipper. The storyline in Hot Curves reportedly was inspired by the real-life signing of Andy Cohen by Giants manager John McGraw. Cohen, like the fictional Benny Goldberg, was Jewish, and their respective inkings were intended to lure Jewish fans to the ballpark. (By the way, fifteen years earlier, McGraw had appeared on-screen with Donlin in Right Off the Bat.)

In The Tip-Off, a 1931 gangster comedy-drama, Donlin is sixth-billed as Swanky Jones, a boxing trainer and pool room habitue who is as equally harsh in demeanor as the scout in Hot Curves. While the role mostly is nondescript in relation to anything that occurs onscreen, The Tip-Off does allow Donlin to share screen time with Ginger Rogers, then a Hollywood starlet.

In some of his sound films, Donlin (who died in 1933) appears uncredited. In order to note his presence in a number of them, you have to stumble across him while watching the film. One such appearance is in Picture Snatcher, a 1933 James Cagney crime drama. The American Film Institute Catalog, Feature Films, 1931-1940, perhaps the definitive published reference of film credits for that decade, lists the bit players who appear in Picture Snatcher, cast in such roles as “fireman,” “head keeper,” “journalism student,” and even “sick reporter” and “reporter outside prison.” None is Mike Donlin. Yet there he is, unmistakable in one brief shot. He is seen in a pool hall, and he speaks the following words into a telephone: “No, Mr. McLean, he ain’t been around here in over a week.” After a brief pause, he adds, “Yeah, I’ll tell him.”

What may be Donlin’s most memorable screen appearance is equally fleeting. In one sequence in Riley the Cop, a 1928 comedy-drama directed by John Ford, a bunch of kids are playing baseball on an inner-city street. The title character (J. Farrell MacDonald) arrives on the scene to reprimand the lads and break up their game, yet the boyish Riley is quickly convinced to join the kids in their play. He picks up a bat, and clumsily swings and misses at the first pitch tossed his way, in the process falling to the pavement. The cop does connect on his next swing, lifting a pop fly that crashes through a storefront window, necessitating the kids-and Riley-to commence scattering.

After Riley’s swing-and-miss, Ford includes an all-too-quick shot of Donlin looking on and smiling, with a cigarette dangling from his lips. While he is not billed on screen, various film references list the actor-ballplayer as playing “Crook.” Thus, the implication is that Donlin’s character is amused because he is eluding the law while Riley is indulging in a child’s game.

Yet given his background, the sequence — intentional or not — serves as an homage co Donlin’s past, and a wink-of-the-eye to anyone who recognizes him as an ex-major leaguer.

Mike Donlin Filmography

Right Off The Bat ( 1915). All Feature Booking Agency. Dir: Hugh Retickcr. Cast: John J. McGraw, Claire Merscreau, Rita Ross Donlin. Donlin plays himself.

Raffles, the Amateur Cracksman (1917), States Rights,. Dir: George Irving. Cast: John Barrymore, Frederick Perry, Frank Morgan, Evelyn Brent. Donlin plays Crawshay.

Jack Spurlock, Prodigal (1918), Fox. Dir: Carl Harbaugh. Cast: George Walsh, Dan Mason, Rush Taylor. Donlin plays Foreman.

Brave and Bold (1918). Fox. Dir: Carl Harbaugh. Cast: George Walsh, Francis X. Conlon, Regina Quinn. Donlin’s role is undetermined.

The Unchastened Woman (1918), George Kleine System. Dir: William Humphrey. Cast: Grace Valentine, Mildred Manning, Catherine Tower. Donlin plays O’Brien.

Railroaded (1923), Universal. Dir: Edmund Mortimer. Cast: Herbert Rawlinson, Esther Ralston. Donlin plays Corton.

Woman-Proof (1923), Paramount. Dir: Alfred E. Green. Cast: Thomas Meighan, Lila Lee, Louise Dresser, Mary Astor. Donlin plays Foreman.

The Unknown Purple (1923), Truart. Dir: Roland West Cast: Henry B. Walthall, Alice Lake, Stuart Holmes. Donlin plays Bur1on.

Flaming Barriers (1924), Paramount. Dir: George Melford. Cast: Jacqueline Logan, Antonio Moreno. Donlm’s role in undetermined.

The Trouble Shooter (1924), Fox. Dir: Jack Conway. Cast: Tom Mix, Kathleen Key, Frank Currier. Donlin plays Chet Connors (also credited as Chet Conners).

Hit and Run (1924), Universal. Dir: Edward Sedgwick. Cast: Hoot Gibson, Marion Harlan, Cyril Ring, Donlin plays Red McCarthy.

Oh, Doctor! (1925), Universal. Dir: Harry A. Pollard. Cast: Reginald Denny, Mary Astor, Otis Harlan. Donlin plays Buzz Titus.

Fifth Avenue Models (1925), Un1versal. Dir: Svend Gade, Cast: Mary Philbin, Norman Kerry, Josef Swickard, Jean Hersholt. Donlin plays Crook’s Henchman.

The Primrose Path (1925), Arrow. Dir: Harry O. Hoyt. Cast: Wallace MacDonald. Clara Bow, Arline Pretty, Stuart Holmes. Donlin plays Federal Officer Parker.

The Unnamed Woman (1925), Arrow. Dir: Harry O. Hoyt. Cast: Kachenne MacDonald. Herbert Rawlinson, Wanda Hawley. Donlin plays Chauffeur.

The Sea Beast (1926), Warner Bros. Dir: Millard Webb. Case: John Barrymore, Dolores Costello, George O’Hara. Donlin plays Flask.

Her Second Chance (1926), Vitagraph. Dir: Lambert Hillyer. Cast: Anna Q. Nilsson, Huntly Gordon, Charlie Murray, Donlin plays De Vries.

Ella Cinders (1926). First National. Dir: Alfred E. Green. Cast: Colleen Moore, Lloyd Hughes, Vera Lewis, Harry Langdon. Donlin plays Film Studio Gateman.

The Fighting Marine (1926), Pathe. Dir: Spencer Gordon Bennett. Cast: Gene Tunney, Marjorie Gay, Walter Miller. Feature version of 10-reel Pathe serial. Donlin’s role is undetermined.

The General (1927), United Artists, Dir: Buster Keaton, Clyde Bruckman. Cast: Buster Keaton, Glen Cavender, Marion Mack, Jim Farley. Donlin plays Union General.

Slide, Kelly, Slide (1927), MGM. Dir: Edward Sedgwick. Cast: William Haines, Sally O’Neil, Harry Carey, Junior Coghlan, Irish Meusel. Bob Meusel, Tony Lazzeri, Donlin plays himself.

Warming Up (1928). Paramount. Dir: Fred Newmeyer. Cast: Richard Dix, Jean Arthur, Claude King, Philo McCullough. Donlin plays Veteran.

Beggars of Life (1928), Paramount. Dir: William A. Wellman. Cast: Wallace Beery, Louise Brooks, Richard Arlen. Donlin plays Bill.

Riley the Cop (1928), Fox. Dir: John Ford. Cast: J. Farrell MacDonald. Louise Fazenda, Nancy Drexel, David Rollins. Donlin plays Crook.

Below the Deadline (1929), Chesterfield. Dir: J.P. McGowan. Cast: Frank Leigh, Barbara Worth, Arthur Rankin, Donlin plays Sandy.

Noisy Neighbors (1929), Parhe. Dir: Charles Reisner. Cast: Eddie Quillan, Alberta Vaughn, Theodore Roberts. Donlin plays Second Son.

Thunderbolt (1929), Paramount. Dir: Josef von Sternberg. Cast: George Bancroft, Fay Wray, Richard Arlen, Tully Marshall. Donlin plays Kentucky Sampson.

Burn Reckless (1930), Fox. Dir: John Ford. Cast: Edmund Lowe, Catherine Dale Owen, Warren Hymer, Marguerite Churchill, Lee Tracy. Donlin plays Fingy Moscovitz.

Hot Curves (1930), Tiffany. Dir: Norman Tautog. Cast: Benny Rubin, Rex Lease, Alice Day, Pert Kelton. Donlin plays Scout.

Her Man (1930), Pathe. Dir: Tay Garnett. Cast: Helen Twelvetrees, Marjorie Rambeau, Ricardo Cortes, Phillips Holmes, James Gleason, Thelma Todd. Donlin plays Bartender.

Widow from Chicago (1930), First National. Dir: Edward Cline. Cast: Alice White, Neil Hamilt0n, Edward G. Robinson, Frank McHugh. Donlin plays Desk Man.

Iron Man (1931), Universal. Dir: Tod Browning, Cast: Lew Ayres, Robert Armstrong, Jean Harlow, John Milian. Donlin plays McNeill.

Sweepstakes (1931), RKO. Dir: Albert Rogell. Cast: Eddie Quillan, Lew Cody, James Gleason, Marion Nixon. Donlin is listed in Variety as playing The Dude, a character credited on screen t0 Tom Jackson.

Star Witness (1931), Warner Bros. Dir: William A. Wellman. Cast: Walter Huston, Frances Starr, Grant Mitchell, Sally Blane. Donlin plays Mickey, a Thug.

The Tip-Off (1931), RKO. Dir: Albert Rogell. Cast: Eddie Quillan, Robert Armstrong, Ginger Rogers. Donlin plays Swanky Jones.

The Secret Witness (Terror By Night) (1931), Columbia. Dir: Thornton Freeland, Cast: Una Merkel, William Collier Jr., ZaSu Pitts. Donlin plays Mike the Speakeasy Proprietor.

Arrowsmith (1931). United Artists. Dir: John Ford. Cast: Ronald Colman, Helen Hayes, Richard Bennett, Clarence Brooks, Myrna Loy. Donlin has a bit part.

Bad Company (1931), RKO. Dir: Tay Garnett. Cast: Helen Twelvetrees, Ricardo Cortes, John Ganick, Paul Hurst, Harry Carey. Donlin has a bit part.

Beast of the City (1932), MGM. Dir: Charles Brabin. Cast: Walter Huston, Jean Harlow, Wallace Ford, Jean Hersholt. Donlin plays Reporter Going to Phone His Stuff.

A Fool’s Advice (Meet the Mayor) (1932), Warner Bros. Dir: Ralph Ceder. Cast: Frank Fay, Ruth Hall, Hale Hamilton. Donlin has a bit part.

The Famous Ferguson Case (1932), First National. Dir: Lloyd Bacon. Cast: Joan Blondell, Grant Mitchell, Vivienne Osborne. Donlin plays Photographer.

Madison Square Garden (1932), Paramount. Dir: Harry Joe Brown. Cast: Jack Oakie, Thomas Meighan, Marion Nixon, ZaSu Pitts. Donlin plays himself.

One Way Passage (1932), Warner Bro,. Dir: Tay Garnett. Cast: William Powell, Kay Francis, Aline MacMahon, Frank McHugh. Donlin plays Hong Kong Bartender.

She Done Him Wrong (1933). Paramount. Dir: Lowell Sherman. Cast: Mae West, Cary Grant, Owen Moore, Gilbert Roland. Donlin plays Tout.

Doctor Bull ( 1933), Fox. Dir: John Ford. Cast: Will Rogers, Vera Allen, Marion Nixon, Andy Devine. Donlin plays Lester Dunn.

High Gear (1933), States Rights. Dir: Leigh Jason. Cast: James Murray, Joan Marsh, Jackie Searl. Donlin plays Ed Evans.

Air Hostess (1933), Columbia. Dir: Albert Rogell. Cast: Evalyn Knapp, James Murray, Thelma Todd. Donlin plays Mike.

Picture Snatcher (1933), Warner Bros. Dir: Lloyd Bacon. Cast: James Cagney, Ralph Bellamy, Patricia Ellis. Donlin has a bit part.

Swell-Head (1935), Columbia. Dir: Ben St0loff. Cast: Wallace Ford, Dickie Moore, Barbara Kent, J. Farrell MacDonald. Donlin plays Brick Baldwin.

]]>
Supplement to “Lou Gehrig’s RBI Record: 1923–39” https://sabr.org/journal/article/supplement-to-lou-gehrigs-rbi-record-1923-39/ Wed, 10 Oct 2012 21:36:04 +0000 Here is supporting evidence for the correction of errors in the official RBI record of Lou Gehrig through 1939.

Here is supporting evidence for the correction of errors in the official RBI record of Lou Gehrig. This is the supplemental material for Herm Krabbenhoft’s article, “Lou Gehrig’s RBI Record: 1923–39”, in the Fall 2012 Baseball Research Journal.

 

Lou Gehrig RBI Errors—1931

April 21—New York vs. Philadelphia—New York scored 12 runs

First Inning—New York scored 2 runs

NYT—“In fact, they had Leroy Mahaffey on the run almost at the very outset when a pass to Combs, a double off the right field screen by Ruth and Gehrig’s single sent two tallies scampering over the plate.”

NYHT—“He [Mahaffey] walked Combs, fanned Lary, and was solidly smacked for two bases by Ruth and a shin-dusting single by Gehrig which sent two runs over the plate.”

NYWT—“Lary was called out on strikes. [Combs walked.] Ruth doubled off the right field bleachers, Combs stopping at third. Gehrig singled through Mahaffey, Combs and Ruth scoring. Lazzeri grounded into a double play, Bishop to Boley to Todt.”

PINQ—“Combs worked Mahaffey for a pass and then Lary fanned. Ruth planked a resounding double against the chicken wire in right. Gehrig scored both runners when he punched a clean single to centre. Lazzeri rolled to Bishop and two expired when Boley generated the speed to relay to first ahead of Tony.”

Second Inning—New York scored 8 runs

NYT—Nothing significant.

NYHT—“Chapman and Cooke opened up with singles and caused the removal of Mahaffey. Carter took over the pitching assignment and proceeded to give away passes like a new press agent. He walked two men and forced in a run; then Combs drove in two runs with a single. Two more walks and another run was forced upon the Yankees. At this point Carter walked right out of the game and was replaced by Rommell (sic), who walked Lazzeri and Chapman and forced two more runs upon his opponents. Cooke then singled to center, scoring another pair. Dickey hit into a double play.”

NYWT—“Chapman singled to left. Cooke singled to left, Chapman stopping at second. Mahaffey was replaced by Carter. Dickey walked, filling the bases. Pennock also walked, forcing in Chapman. Combs singled to centre, scoring Cooke and Dickey, and placing Pennock on second. Lary sacrificed, Carter to Todt. Ruth walked, filling the bases. Gehrig walked, forcing in Pennock. Carter was taken out and Rommell (sic) went in to pitch for the Athletics. Lazzeri walked, forcing in Combs. Chapman walked, forcing in Ruth. Cooke singled to center, scoring Gehrig and Lazzeri, and placing Chapman on third. Dickey grounded into a double play, Boley to Todt.”

PINQ—“Chapman cuffed a single to port and Cooke blasted one safely to the same spot. Mack’s hook ripped Mahaffey off the rubber and Carter made the long trek from the distant bullpen. Sollie threw kerosene on the blaze by passing Dickey to fill the bases. Then he also walked Pennock, forcing in Chapman. With the bases still loaded to the gunwales, Combs paddled a single to centre, scoring two more. Lary bunted to the young pitcher and was thrown out at first for the first dead Yank. The runners advanced and Ruth reloaded the hassocks by walking. Carter’s fourth pass to Gehrig sent Pennock home. For that Mack ordered him off the premises and Rommell (sic) waked into this pretty mess. Entering into the spirit of things Ed also passed Lazzeri, and Combs was forced in. Chapman, up for the second time, also walked, and Ruth scored. Cooke shoved a single to centre, putting two more across. Boley came to the rescue by picking up Dickey’s grounder, stepping on second and then throwing to Todt for a double play. “

Seventh Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“Cooke crashed a mighty drive into left centre in the seventh. As the ball rolled to the bleachers, Dusty completed the journey for a homer.”

NYHT—“Cooke smacked a ball into left center field and sped around the bases for a home run.

NYWT—“Lazzeri flied to Haas. Chapman out, Dykes to Todt. Cooke hit a home run to center. Dickey singled. Pennock struck out.”

PINQ—“In the last half, with the bases bare, Cooke hit beyond the cinder patch in left centre and circled the bases for an interior home run.”

Eighth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“In the eighth … Lyn [Lary] larruped the ball into the left wing of the grand stand and jogged around [on his homer].”

NYHT—“In the eighth, Lary lifted a home run into the left field stands.”

NYWT—“Combs out, Todt to Rommell (sic). Lary hit a home run into the left field stands. Ruth out, McNair to Todt. Gehrig flied to Haas.”

PINQ—“In the last half Lary made a personal venture of assembling the Yanks’ twelfth run. He birched a Rommell (sic) pitch into the stands in left for a home run. The bases were nude at the time.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (first inning)—Combs scored on a 2-RBI single by Gehrig.

2 (first inning)—Ruth scored on a 2-RBI single by Gehrig.

3 (second inning)—Chapman scored on a 1-RBI walk to Pennock.

4 (second inning)—Cooke scored on a 2-RBI single by Combs.

5 (second inning)—Dickey scored on a 2-RBI single by Combs.

6 (second inning)—Pennock scored on a 1-RBI walk to Gehrig.

7 (second inning)—Combs scored on a 1-RBI walk to Lazzeri.

8 (second inning)—Ruth scored on a 1-RBI walk to Chapman.

9 (second inning)—Gehrig scored on a 2-RBI single by Cooke.

10 (second inning)—Lazzeri scored on a 2-RBI single by Cooke.

11 (seventh inning)—Cooke scored on a 1-RBI homer by Cooke.

12 (eighth inning)—Lary scored on a 1-RBI homer by Lary.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Gehrig 3, Pennock, Combs 2, Lazzeri, Chapman, Cooke 3, Lary.

CONCLUSIONS:

  • Gehrig actually had 3 RBIs—not 2 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Ruth actually had 0 RBIs—not 1 RBI as shown in the official baseball records.

April 22—New York vs. Boston—New York scored 7 runs

First Inning—New York scored 4 runs

NYT—“… the Yanks inaugurated an exclusive parade of their own as Combs singled, Lary walked, Ruth and Gehrig singled and Lazzeri doubled to round off a cluster of four runs.”

NYHT—“He [Ruth] had singled to center to drive in one of the four runs the Yankees made off Lisenbee and in the first inning he had scored a run.” [NOTE: No other details were provided for the 4 runs scored by the Yankees in the first inning.]

NYWT—“Combs singled to right. Lary walked. Ruth singled to centre, scoring Combs, Lary going to third. Gehrig singled to left, scoring Lary, Ruth stopping at second. Durham relieved Lisenbee on the mound for the Red Sox. Lazzeri doubled to centre, scoring Ruth and Gehrig. Chapman was hit by a pitched ball. Cooke struck out. Dickey forced Chapman, Van Camp to Rhyne, Lazzeri stopping at third. Sherid walked, filling the bases. Reeves threw out Combs.”

BG—“Combs, the first batter to face Lisenbee, hit a sizzling single to right. Lary drew a pass. Ruth shot a single through the box, scoring Combs. Gehrig singled to center, putting Lary over the plate, and Lisenbee was relieved by Durham. Lazzeri doubled to the mound in left center, putting Ruth and Gehrig across. Chapman was hit by a pitched ball. Cooke struck out, and Dickey poked a grounder to Van Camp on which Chapman was forced at second. Sherid was passed, filling the bases. Combs, up for the second time in the inning, was thrown out at first, retiring the side.”

BH—“Combs singled to centre, Lary walked, Ruth singled through the box [scoring Combs] and Gehrig’s single to right sent in two runners. Out went Lisenbee and in came Durham, who pitched Lazzeri to a three-and-two count before Tony clouted one against the left-centre fence for two bases and hiked the run total to four. Durham hit Chapman, but then settled down, fanning Cooke, making Dickey force Chapman, walking Sherid and nailing Combs on an infield roller to Reeves.”

BP—“Combs led off with a single and Lary drew a base on balls. Ruth singled to score the New York opening tally and then Lisenbee cautiously sidestepped Gehrig’s hit through the box. Here Hod was yanked and Durham substituted. Lazzeri doubled and Chapman was hit by the pitcher, all adding to a four-run collection.”

Fourth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“… until the fourth, when singles by Combs and Ruth gave the Yanks another tally.

NYHT—“He [Ruth] had driven in another run in the fourth.” [NOTE: No other information was provided for the run scored by the Yankees in the fourth inning.]

NYWT—“Sherid struck out. Combs bunted safely along the third base line. Rhyne threw out Lary. Ruth singled to centre, scoring Combs. Gehrig walked. Lazzeri hit to Pickering, who stepped on third, forcing Ruth.”

BG—“… till the fourth, when a single by Combs, Lary’s out at first and a single by Ruth gave them another run.”

BH—“Combs beat out a bunt to start the fourth, advanced on Lary’s grounder to short and scored on Ruth’s single to centre.”

BP—“In the fourth the Yanks counted once more on hits by Combs and Ruth.”

Sixth Inning—New York scored 2 runs

NYT—“In the sixth Durham allowed two more tallies on doubles by Lary and Ruth and the Babe’s two painful charges from second to third and third to home on a pair of outs.”

NYHT—“… and he [Ruth] doubled to left to send Lary home in the sixth. … A moment later he [Ruth] surprised everyone by dashing home at a great rate of speed after Webb had caught Lazzeri’s short fly. It was a close play and the Babe crashed into Berry, guarding the plate. He was safe.”

NYWT—“Lary doubled off the left field fence. Ruth doubled to left, scoring Lary. Pickering threw out Gehrig, Ruth going to third. Lazzeri flied to Webb, Ruth scoring. Chapman popped to Rhyne.”

BG—“They made two more in the sixth on doubles in succession by Lary and Ruth, an out at first and a fly to deep right field.”

BH—“The Yankees opened with Lary’s double to left and Ruth’s duplication of the blow. Then came the rest of the Ruth incident, up to the scoring of the seventh run. … Gehrig, the next batter, hit a grounder to Third Baseman Pickering, who tried to tag Ruth. The Babe swerved to one side and evaded the Bostonian. Up at bat was Lazzeri and he lifted a fly to Webb in right field. As the catch was made, the Babe started for home plate. In came the throw from Webb to catcher Berry, who was blocking the plate. Berry tagged him, but Umpire Guthrie ruled that Ruth had touched the plate and that the seventh Yankee run had been scored.”

BP—“Two-baggers by Lary and Ruth, and the latter’s dash for home in the sixth gave the Yanks two in the sixth.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (first inning)—Combs scored on a 1-RBI single by Ruth.

2 (first inning)—Lary scored on a 1-RBI single by Gehrig.

3 (first inning)—Ruth scored on a 2-RBI double by Lazzeri.

4 (first inning)—Gehrig scored on a 2-RBI double by Lazzeri.

5 (fourth inning)—Combs scored on a 1-RBI single by Ruth.

6 (sixth inning)—Lary scored on a 1-RBI double by Ruth.

7 (sixth inning)—Ruth scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly by Lazzeri.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Ruth 3, Gehrig, Lazzeri 3.

CONCLUSIONS:

  • Lazzeri actually had 3 RBIs—not 2 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Gehrig actually had 1 RBI—not 2 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

May 03—New York vs. Boston—New York scored 8 runs

First Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“The first Yankee tally came in the opening round, when Combs walked, moved a little faster to second on Reese’s infield out and galloped all the way home on a weird wild pitch by Lisenbee.”

NYHT—“A wild pitch let Combs score a run for the Yankees in the first inning. Lisenbee was pitching. When one remembers that Combs scored from second the wildness of the pitch can be better appreciated.”

NYDN—Nothing at all.

NYP—Nothing at all.

NYS—Nothing at all.

BG—“The Yankees got a run in the first without a hit. Combs walked, advanced to second on an infield out and crossed the plate from second on a wild pitch. [NOTE: In a sidebar, the following was stated—“His (Ruth’s) first time at bat he drove a hot grounder at the shortstop, who had plenty of time to throw him out at first.”]

BH—Nothing at all.

BP—“A wild pitch let Combs score a run for the Yankees in the first inning. Lisenbee was pitching. When one remembers that Combs scored from second the wildness of the pitch can be better appreciated.”

Second Inning—New York scored 3 runs

NYT—“In the second the Yanks routed Lisenbee completely with a three-run rally as Pickering uncorked a wild heave on Chapman’s grounder, Lary walked and Dickey, Combs, and Ruth followed with singles.” [NOTE: It was also stated previously that “His (Ruth’s) first hit drove in a run.”]

NYHT—“Pickering turned loose a wide throw for a two-base error by way of starting the second inning. Before it was over the Yankees had made three runs.”

NYA—“… scoring Chapman and sending Lary to third. Sherid struck out. Combs singled past Reeves, Lary scoring and Dickey taking second. Reese sent a long fly to Oliver, Dickey moving to third after the catch. Ruth singled to center, scoring Dickey and putting Combs to third. Lisenbee was replaced by Brillheart. Gehrig forced Ruth at second, Rhyne to Reeves.”

NYDN—Nothing at all.

NYP—Nothing at all.

NYS—Nothing at all.

BG—“The Bronx ensemble picked up three counters in their half when Pickering made a two-base wild throw of Chapman’s bounder, Lary walked, and Dickey, Combs, and Ruth singled.”

BH—Nothing at all.

BP—“Pickering turned loose a wide throw for a two-base error by way of starting the second inning. Before it was over the Yankees had made three runs.”

Third Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“… the Yankees eased up a bit in the third, scoring only one on a pair of singles by Chapman and Sherid.”

NYHT—“In the third inning Reeves kicked one and then threw it away, and the Yankees made another run.”

NYA—“Lazzeri was thrown out by Rhyne. Chapman singled to left. Lary flied to Oliver. Chapman stole second. Dickey was safe on a low throw by Reeves, Chapman scoring. Sherid singled to left, Dickey stopping at second. Combs lined to Pickering.”

NYDN—Nothing at all.

NYP—Nothing at all.

NYS—Nothing at all.

BG—“The Yankees were handed another run in the third. Chapman singled, stole third and went home on Reeves’ bad throw of Dickey’s grounder. Sherid singled, but Pickering cut off two more runs with a spectacular leaping glove-hand spear of Combs’ well-hit drive.”

BH—Nothing at all.

BP—“In the third inning Reeves kicked one and then threw it away, and the Yankees made another run.”

Fourth Inning—New York scored 3 runs

NYT—“It looked like a parade of Civil War veterans in the fourth when Reeves blew a chance to pull a simple play on Ruth and Gehrig. As Reeves hurled the ball wide of its mark the Babe painfully made his way to third and Lou hobbled to second. Lazzeri, however, made the lot of the two maimed warriors considerably easier by smacking a long single to left centre. That blow gave Ruth and Gehrig ample time to make their way to the plate.” [NOTE: This description does not include mention of the other run scored by the Yankees in the fourth inning.]

NYHT—“In the fourth, Pickering booted one, and Reeves gummed up an easy double play by making a bad pass to second. The Yankees collected three more runs that inning and Lazzeri drove in two of them with a single.”

NYA—“Reese was safe when Pickering fumbled his grounder. Ruth singled to right sending Reese to third. Gehrig grounded to Reeves, scoring Reese. When Reeves threw wild past second trying for a force play on Ruth, Babe limped to third and Gehrig to second on the error. Lazzeri singled to center scoring Ruth and Gehrig. Chapman lifted to Webb. Lary singled to center, sending Lazzeri to third. Dickey grounded to Reeves who tagged Lary on the line and threw to Sweeney, doubling the batter.”

NYDN—“Regard, for example, the activities of the fourth inning, when the Yankees secured three runs. Reese arrived at first because of Pickering’s fumble. The Bambino, lustily cheered, bumped a single to right. Hungry Lou Gehrig hit to Reeves, who menaced the health of the customer in left field with an erratic throw, Reese scoring. Ruth’s lameness prevented him from scoring, too. But presently Signor Lazzeri jolted a ball to such a remote sector of the field that Ruth and Gehrig sauntered leisurely over the plate.”

NYP—Nothing at all.

NYS—Nothing at all.

BG—“Miscues provided the Ruppert hirelings with three more runs in the fourth. Reese got a life on Pickering’s bobble. Ruth singled for the second time. Gehrig hit to Reeves, who, with an apple-pie double play in front of him, threw past Rhyne, Reese scoring. Lazzeri’s hit chased the crippled Ruth and Gehrig across.”

BH—Nothing at all.

BP—“In the fourth, Pickering booted one, and Reeves gummed up an easy double play by making a bad pass to second. The Yankees collected three more runs that inning and Lazzeri drove in two of them with a single.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (first inning)—Combs scored on a wild pitch.

2 (second inning)—Chapman scored on a 1-RBI single by Dickey.

3 (second inning)—Lary scored on a 1-RBI single by Combs.

4 (second inning)—Dickey scored on a 1-RBI single by Ruth.

5 (third inning)—Chapman scored (from second base) on a 2-out fielding error (wild throw) by the second baseman; Dickey was the batter.

6 (fourth inning)—Reese scored (from third base) on a 1-RBI grounder by Gehrig; Gehrig was safe at first base on a fielding error (wild throw) by the second baseman (who threw past second attempting to force out the runner going from first base to second base); Gehrig also advanced to second base on the fielding error.

7 (fourth inning)—Ruth scored on a 2-RBI single by Lazzeri.

8 (fourth inning)—Gehrig scored on a 2-RBI single by Lazzeri.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Dickey, Combs, Ruth, Lazzeri 2.

CONCLUSION: Gehrig actually had 1 RBI—not 0 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

July 01—New York at Detroit—New York scored 4 runs

First Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“Gehrig knocked home a run in the first inning with a single after Herring issued two passes.”

NYHT—“… the Yankees concocted a run in the first inning. Reese had forced Byrd and Ruth had walked, Gehrig crashed a single into center and Reese scampered home.”

NYWT—“Byrd walked. Reese forced Byrd, McManus to Brower. Ruth walked. Gehrig singled to centre, scoring Reese, Ruth going to third and Gehrig to second on the throw-in. Chapman struck out. McManus threw out Lary.”

DFP—“Reese forced Byrd, who walked. Ruth also walked, but Gehrig singled, scoring Reese.”

DN—Nothing at all.

Third Inning—New York scored 3 runs

NYT—“The big inning was the third. Reese led off with a tap toward third, Herring’s wild throw adding an extra base. Ruth’s booming single scored Reese. Gehrig lined his second single to centre, Ruth taking third and Gehrig moving to second on the centre fielder’s throw to third. Chapman’s fly to centre tallied the Babe. Lary concluded the inning’s fireworks with a triple to right centre, counting Gehrig.”

NYHT—“Reese opened the third with a bunt and beat it out. Herring meanwhile scrambled for the ball and flung it as far as the stands, letting Reese reach second. Ruth then singled to center, scoring Reese. Gehrig also singled to center and Chapman hit a long fly for Ruth to score and for Gehrig to advance to third. With one out, Lary drove a low liner beyond Johnson, who came in and dived for it without catching it. Lary took three bases on it only to be thrown out at the plate on Sewell’s grounder.”

NYWT—“Reese beat out a hit toward third and went to second when Herring threw wild to first. Ruth singled to centre, scoring Reese. Gehrig singled to centre, sending Ruth to third, Gehrig going to second on the throw-in. Chapman flied to Johnson, Ruth scoring and Gehrig going to third. Lary tripled to centre, scoring Gehrig. Sewell hit to McManus, whose throw to Hayworth retired Lary at the plate. Perkins fouled to Hayworth.”

DFP—“Reese beat out a bunt and took second on Herring’s poor throw. Ruth singled, scoring Reese, and Ruth went to third on Gehrig’s single while the latter reached second on the throw. Chapman’s fly to Johnson let Ruth in and when Lary tripled Gehrig scored. Sewell’s grounder to McManus retired Lary at the plate.”

DN—“Reese opened the fatal third with a slow roller toward third and went to second when Herring threw the ball past Alexander. Ruth’s single to center scored Reese. Gehrig singled to center, putting Ruth on third. Chapman flied deep to Johnson, Ruth scoring after the catch. Johnson tried to make a shoestring catch of Lary’s low liner but it bounded past him for a triple, scoring Gehrig.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (first inning)—Reese scored on a 1-RBI single by Gehrig.

2 (third inning)—Reese scored on a 1-RBI single by Ruth.

3 (third inning)—Ruth scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly by Chapman.

4 (third inning)—Gehrig scored on a 1-RBI triple by Lary.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Gehrig, Chapman, Ruth, Lary.

CONCLUSIONS:

  • Chapman actually had1 RBI—not 0 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Gehrig actually had 1 RBI—not 2 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

July 02—New York at Detroit –New York scored 13 runs

Second Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—“The Yankees tickled Uhle for one run in the second inning. Three hits, Gehrig’s double and singles by Lary and Dickey, and the thing was done. It was done even before Dickey singled, but it is a pleasure to include him in the proceedings because the same trio gave an encore in the fourth.”

NYWT—“Gehrig doubled to left centre. Chapman flied to Johnson. Lary singled to right, scoring Gehrig. Dickey singled to left, Lary stopping at second. Sewell popped to Grabowski. Wells lined to Stone.”

DFP—“New York scored a run on Gehrig’s double that opened the second and supporting singles by Lary and Dickey.”

DN—Nothing at all.

Fourth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—“Again Gehrig led off with a hit, this time a single. Again Chapman sent a fly to Johnson. Lary came through with another single, putting Gehrig on third. Dickey then lifted a long fly to Stone and Gehrig scored easily.”

NYWT—“Gehrig singled to right. Chapman flied to Johnson. Lary singled past Brower, Gehrig going to third. Dickey flied to Stone, Gehrig scoring. Lary was out stealing, Grabowski to Brower.”

DFP—“Singles by Gehrig and Lary, and Dickey’s fly to Stone gave the Yankees their second counter in the fourth.”

DN—Nothing at all.

Fifth Inning—New York scored 6 runs

NYT—Nothing significant.

NYHT—Nothing at all.

NYWT—“Sewell singled to centre. Wells was safe on Owen’s fumble. Byrd sacrificed, Owen to McManus. Reese flied to Johnson, Sewell scoring and Wells going to third. Ruth walked. Gehrig singled to left, scoring Wells, Ruth stopping at second. Chapman singled to left, scoring Ruth, Gehrig stopping at second. Lary doubled against the left field wall, scoring Gehrig and Chapman. Dickey doubled off the left field wall, scoring Lary. McManus threw out Sewell.”

DFP—“Sewell singled and Owen overran Wells’ roller, putting two on base. Byrd sacrificed. Reese’s contribution was a fly to Johnson, scoring Sewell. Ruth walked. Then Gehrig and Chapman singled and Lary and Dickey doubled. Up the second time, Sewell was the third out on a grounder to McManus.”

DN—“Sewell started the fifth inning with a single to left. Wells, instead of sacrificing, elected to swing and tapped the simplest sort of grounder to Owen. Wells’ grounder, after striking the center of Owen’s glove, bounced out. The error put two men on base with none out. Byrd sacrificed the runners to second and third. Reese flied to Johnson and Sewell scored after the catch. [NOTE: Nothing is mentioned about the other 5 runs scored by the Yankees in the fifth inning.]

Eighth Inning—New York scored 3 runs

NYT—“… the leading events being homers by Ruth and Chapman in the eighth. Ruth’s homer came with Byrd on base. After Gehrig missed his try, Chapman duplicated the Ruthian poke.”

NYHT—“Byrd banged out a single. Ruth knocked a home run over the left field fence and Chapman also sailed one over the left-field fence.”

NYWT—“Byrd singled to left. Owen threw out Reese. Ruth hit a home run over the left field fence, scoring Byrd. Owen threw out Gehrig. Chapman drove over the left field fence for a home run. Lary singled to left. McManus threw out Dickey.”

DFP—“Starting the eighth with a single, Byrd scored ahead of Ruth’s gentle tap over the left field stockade. Chapman put a home run in the same place.”

DN—Nothing significant.

Ninth Inning—New York scored 2 runs

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—Nothing at all.

NYWT—“Sewell singled to centre. Wells doubled to left, scoring Sewell. Byrd hit to Owen and was safe when Alexander muffed the throw. Reese flied to Johnson, Wells scoring. Combs forced Byrd, McManus to Brower. McManus threw out Gehrig.”

DFP—“The Yankees added a couple for good measure in the ninth. Sewell and Wells singled and moved up when Alexander made a clean muff of Owen’s throw [after fielding Byrd’s grounder]. Reese’s fly to Johnson rescued Sewell and while Combs, who replaced Ruth at the start of the ninth, was forcing Byrd, Wells crossed.”

DN—Nothing at all.

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (second inning)—Gehrig scored on a 1-RBI single by Lary.

2 (fourth inning)—Gehrig scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly by Dickey.

3 (fifth inning)—Sewell scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly by Reese.

4 (fifth inning)—Wells scored on a 1-RBI single by Gehrig.

5 (fifth inning)—Ruth scored on a 1-RBI single by Chapman.

6 (fifth inning)—Gehrig scored on a 2-RBI double by Lary.

7 (fifth inning)—Chapman scored on a 2-RBI double by Lary.

8 (fifth inning)—Lary scored on a 1-RBI double by Dickey.

9 (eighth inning)—Byrd scored on a 2-RBI homer by Ruth.

10 (eighth inning)—Ruth scored on a 2-RBI homer by Ruth.

11 (eighth inning)—Chapman scored on a 1-RBI homer by Chapman.

12 (ninth inning)—Sewell scored on a 1-RBI double by Wells.

13 (ninth inning)—Wells scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly by Reese.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Lary 3, Dickey 2, Reese 2, Gehrig, Chapman 2, Ruth 2, Wells.

CONCLUSIONS:

  • Lary actually had 3 RBIs—not 2 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Reese actually had 2 RBIs—not 1 RBI as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Gehrig actually had 1 RBI—not 2 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Dickey actually had 2 RBIs—not 3 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

July 08 (first game)—New York vs. Boston—New York scored 13 runs

First Inning—New York scored 3 runs

NYT—“Combs led off in the Yankees’ half of the first with a homer into the left-field stand. Sewell doubled, then Ruth’s sizzling liner into the bleachers sent the Yanks ahead, 3-2.”

NYHT—“Combs hit a home run in the first inning, Sewell doubled and Ruth knocked a home run into the right field stand.”

NYWT—“Combs hit a home run into the left field stands. Sewell doubled to centre. Ruth hit his 21st home run into the right field stands, Sewell scoring. Gehrig flied to Vancamp (sic). Chapman was out, Sweeney to Russell. Lary was out, Miller to Sweeney.”

BG—“Combs greeted Russell with a thump into the left field stands for a home run and Ruth cracked his circuit blow over the right field barrier on top of Sewell’s double.”

BH—“The Yanks came right back with three runs in their half on Combs’ homer, Sewell’s double, and Ruth’s homer.”

BP—“Combs hit a home run in the first inning. Sewell doubled and Ruth knocked a homer into the right field stands.”

Second Inning—New York scored 4 runs

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—“… in the second, when the Yankees made four runs. Ruth drove in two and scored when the second baseman dropped a throw-in.” [NOTE: No other information about the 4 runs scored by the Yankees in the second inning was provided.]

NYWT—“Dickey singled through short. Reese singled to right, Dickey stopping at second. Weaver sacrificed, Berry to Sweeney. Combs was safe on a fielder’s choice, Dickey holding third and Reese second. Sewell popped to Miller. Ruth singled to right, scoring Dickey and Reese, and sending Combs to third. Gehrig doubled to right, scoring Combs and sending Ruth to third, and when Miller dropped Webb’s throw-in, Ruth scored. Lisenbee replaced Russell. Chapman flied to Webb.”

BG—“In the second Dickey and Reese singled and Weaver sacrificed. On Combs’ bounder to the box Russell got all tangled up and Earl reached first ahead of the ball. Ruth rode Dickey and Reese home with a single, Gehrig’s double scored Combs, and Ruth continued to the plate when Miller muffed Webb’s throw-in.”

BH—“Dickey and Reese singled and advanced on Weaver’s sacrifice. Then Combs was safe when Russell waited too long before throwing to first after fielding an easy roller. The Babe came up with the bases loaded and poked out a single and Gehrig contributed a double to the business. Miller added to the disaster by muffing a fly as Russell gave way to Lisenbee.”

BP—“… in the second, when the Yankees made four runs. Ruth drove in two and scored when the second baseman dropped a throw-in.” [NOTE: No other information about the 4 runs scored by the Yankees in the second inning was provided.]

Sixth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—Nothing at all.

NYWT—“Dickey doubled to left. Reese was hit by a pitched ball. Weaver sacrificed, Berry to Miller. Combs lifted a long fly to Vancamp (sic), Dickey scoring. Sewell flied to Oliver.”

BG—“In the sixth Dickey’s double, Weaver’s sacrifice and Combs’ fly produced a counter.”

BH—“In the sixth Dickey doubled and Reese was hit by a pitched ball. Dickey advanced to third on a fielder’s choice and scored on a long fly to the outfield.”

BP—Nothing at all.

Seventh Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—Nothing at all.

NYWT—“Ruth walked. Gehrig popped to Miller. Chapman dropped a Texas Leaguer over second, Ruth going to third. Lary flied to Oliver, Ruth scoring. Chapman stole second when Miller dropped Berry’s throw. Dickey out, Rhyne to Sweeney.”

BG—“… and another [run] came in the seventh on a pass to Ruth, a single by Chapman and Lary’s outfield hit.”

BH—“Then in the seventh, Ruth was walked, Chapman singled and Ruth scored on an outfield fly.”

BP—Nothing at all.

Eighth Inning—New York scored 4 runs

NYT—Nothing significant.

NYHT—“Morris was pitching when Sewell hit a homer with two men on in the eighth and Byrd hit a double which would have gone into the left field stands if Van Camp had not reached up and deflected it.” [NOTE: No other information about the 4 runs scored by the Yankees in the eighth inning was provided.]

NYWT—“Reese walked. Weaver sacrificed and when Morris fumbled his roller, the Yankee pitcher was safe. Combs sacrificed, Morris to Sweeney. Sewell hit a home run into the right field stands, scoring Reese and Weaver. Byrd doubled to left. Byrd stole third. Gehrig flied to Oliver, Byrd scoring. Chapman singled to left. Morris, in attempting to catch Chapman off first, threw wild and Chapman went to second and stole third. Lary was out to Sweeney, unassisted.”

BG—“Reese walked and Weaver, who sacrificed, was safe when Morris fumbled. Combs also sacrificed. Sewell then hit into the right-field bleachers for a home run, and scored behind Reese and Weaver. Byrd doubled, took third unmolested and finished his tour on Gehrig’s fly.”

BH—“Reese walked and Weaver sacrificed, but Morris fumbled and both were safe. Combs sacrificed and Sewell stepped into a fast one to score three runs with his long homer to the right field stand. Byrd doubled and Chapman singled for the last run of the nightmare.” [NOTE: This description is at odds with that given in the NYWT play-by-play account and the description given in the BG account; furthermore, the BH description omits Gehrig’s participation in the inning.]

BP—“Morris was pitching when Sewell hit a homer with two men on in the eighth and Byrd hit a double which would have gone into the left field stands if Van Camp had not reached up and deflected it.” [NOTE: No other information about the 4 runs scored by the Yankees in the eighth inning was provided.]

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (first inning)—Combs scored on a 1-RBI homer by Combs.

2 (first inning)—Sewell scored on a 2-RBI homer by Ruth.

3 (first inning)—Ruth scored on a 2-RBI homer by Ruth.

4 (second inning)—Dickey scored on a 2-RBI single by Ruth.

5 (second inning)—Reese scored on a 2-RBI single by Ruth.

6 (second inning)—Combs scored on a 1-RBI double by Gehrig.

7 (second inning)—Ruth scored (from first base) on a fielding error (dropped ball) by the second baseman coupled with a double by Gehrig.

8 (sixth inning)—Dickey scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly Combs.

9 (seventh inning)—Ruth scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly by Lary.

10 (eighth inning)—Reese scored on a 3-RBI homer by Sewell.

11 (eighth inning)—Weaver scored on a 3-RBI homer by Sewell.

12 (eighth inning)—Sewell scored on a 3-RBI homer by Sewell.

13 (eighth inning)—Byrd scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly by Gehrig

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Combs 2, Ruth 4, Gehrig 2, Lary, Sewell 3.

CONCLUSIONS:

  • Gehrig actually had 2 RBIs—not 0 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Byrd actually had 0 RBIs—not 2 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

Lou Gehrig RBI Errors—1933

September 29—New York vs. Washington—New York scored 5 runs

Fifth Inning—New York scored 4 runs

NYT—“Crosetti, Ruffing, Farrell, and Chapman did the hitting in the fifth, the Alabamian’s single with the bases loaded driving home two runs.”

NYHT—Nothing at all.

WP—“In the fifth, three passes and four hits accounted for a quartet of runs.” [NOTE: In a sidebar the following was stated—“Farrell hit for three bases with the bases loaded in that (fifth) inning, but only one man scored, while Farrell ran from home to first, first to second, and back to first again.”]

Retrosheet (unproofed) PBP account—“YANKEES 5TH: J.Glenn grounded out (O.Bluege to J.Kuhel); F.Crosetti singled to left field; R.Ruffing singled to center field [F.Crosetti to third]; S.Byrd walked [R.Ruffing to second]; D.Farrell singled to right field [F.Crosetti scored, R.Ruffing to third, S.Byrd to second]; B.Ruth popped to L.Sewell

in foul territory; L.Gehrig walked [R.Ruffing scored, S.Byrd to third, D.Farrell to second]; B.Chapman singled to center field [S.Byrd scored, D.Farrell scored, L.Gehrig to third]; L.Lary

walked [B.Chapman to second]; J.Glenn flied to H.Manush; 4 R, 4 H, 0 E, 3 LOB. Senators 5, Yankees 4.”

Seventh Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“They couldn’t catch the Senators, however, although they added a fifth run in the seventh when Ruth blasted a mighty triple to the flagpole in left centre and Combs, running for him, trotted home after Gehrig had sent a long fly to the same sector.”

NYHT—Nothing at all.

WP—Nothing at all.

Retrosheet (unproofed) PBP account—“YANKEES 7TH: S.RICE REPLACED H.MANUSH (PLAYING LF); B.Ruth

tripled to center field; E.COMBS RAN FOR B.RUTH; L.Gehrig flied to F.Schulte [E.Combs scored]; B.Chapman grounded out (J.Cronin to J.Kuhel); L.Lary walked; J.Glenn forced L.Lary (J.Cronin to B.Myer) [J.Glenn to first]; 1 R, 1 H, 0 E, 1 LOB. Senators 8, Yankees 5.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (fifth inning)—Crosetti scored on a 1-RBI single by Farrell.

2 (fifth inning)—Ruffing scored on a 1-RBI walk to Gehrig.

3 (fifth inning)—Byrd scored on a 2-RBI single by Chapman.

4 (fifth inning)—Farrell scored on a 2-RBI single by Chapman.

5 (seventh inning)—Combs scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly by Gehrig.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Farrell, Gehrig 2, Chapman 2.

CONCLUSION: Gehrig actually had 2 RBIs—not 1 RBI as shown in the official baseball records.

Lou Gehrig RBI Errors—1934

May 18—New York at Detroit—New York scored 8 runs

Third Inning—New York scored 5 runs

NYT—“Combs’s double started the parade. Rolfe scored him with a two-bagger, Ruth walked, and Rolfe tallied when Gehrig singled to centre. This was the end of Marberry. Chapman greeted Auker with a double, which chased Ruth home, and Gehrig rounded third and counted when Doljack’s wide throw sailed past Rogell. Chapman stole third and scored after Dickey’s long fly.”

NYHT—“Starting the third, Combs doubled to right center and Rolfe scored him by pulling another double into the extreme right field corner. The Babe walked and Gehrig singled to center, scoring Rolfe. Auker replaced Marberry and Chapman dumped a double into right. Ruth scored and Gehrig came along too when Doljack made a bad throw to second base. Chapman then stole third and scored on Dickey’s fly.”

NYP—“Combs doubled to right center. Rolfe doubled to the right field corner, scoring Combs. Ruth walked. Gehrig singled over second, scoring Rolfe and putting Ruth on third. Auker replaced Marberry. Chapman dropped a texas league double in right, scoring Ruth, and Gehrig also scored when Doljack threw past second base. Chapman stole third. Lazzeri walked. Dickey flied to Goslin, Chapman scoring after the catch. Heffner flied to G. Walker. Ruffing struck out.”

DFP—Nothing at all.

DN—Nothing at all.

DT—“Combs doubled to right center. Rolfe doubled to right, scoring Combs. Ruth walked. Gehrig singled over second, scoring Rolfe and putting Ruth on third. Auker replaced Marberry. Chapman looped a Texas League double into right, scoring Ruth and putting Gehrig on third. Gehrig scored when Doljack threw wild to second. Chapman stole third. Lazzeri walked. Dickey flied to Goslin, Chapman scoring after the catch. Heffner flied to Walker. Ruffing struck out.”

Fourth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“… but the Yankees came back with another run in the fourth, on singles by Combs and Ruth, Owen’s error and infield out.”

NYHT—“In the fourth, after Combs had scored for the Yankees on Ruth’s pop hit to center, the Tigers went after Ruffing in earnest.”

NYP—“Combs singled to right center. Rolfe was safe on first when Owen fumbled his grounder. Ruth’s high fly in short center dropped safely for a single, filling the bases. Gehrig forced Ruth, Greenberg to Rogell, Combs scoring and Rolfe stopping at third. Chapman sacrificed, Auker to Greenberg, Gehrig going to second and Rolfe holding third. Lazzeri struck out.”

DFP—Nothing at all.

DN—Nothing at all.

DT—“Combs singled to center. Owen fumbled Rolfe’s grounder, Combs stopping at second. Ruth’s fly dropped in short center for a single, filling the bases. Gehrig forced Ruth, Greenberg to Rogell, Combs scoring. Chapman sacrificed, Auker to Greenberg. Lazzeri struck out.”

Seventh Inning—New York scored 2 runs

NYT—“In the seventh the Yanks pounded Auker off the mound, under a three-hit barrage, and when Hogsett replaced him Combs promptly lashed a single that drove Dickey home, tying the count for the second time, at 8-all.”

NYHT—“The Yankees tied it in the seventh when Lazzeri doubled and Dickey, Smythe, and Combs singled.”

NYP—Nothing at all.

DFP—Nothing at all.

DN—Nothing at all.

DT—“Lazzeri doubled past Owen. Dickey singled to center, scoring Lazzeri. Heffner fouled to Goslin. Smythe singled to left, Dickey stopping at third. Hogsett replaced Auker. Combs singled to left, scoring Dickey. Rolfe forced Combs, Gehringer unassisted. Ruth grounded to Gehringer.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (third inning)—Combs score on a 1-RBI double by Rolfe.

2 (third inning)—Rolfe scored on a 1-RBI single by Gehrig.

3 (third inning)—Ruth scored on a 1-RBI double by Chapman.

4 (third inning)—Gehrig scored (from first base) on a fielding error (wild throw) by the right fielder couple with a double by Chapman.

5 (third inning)—Chapman scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly by Dickey.

6 (fourth inning)—Combs scored on a 1-RBI fielder’s-choice-force-out by Gehrig.

7 (seventh inning)—Lazzeri scored on a 1-RBI single by Dickey.

8 (seventh inning)—Dickey scored on a 1-RBI single by Combs.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Rolfe, Gehrig 2, Chapman, Dickey 2, Combs.

CONCLUSIONS:

  • Gehrig actually had 2 RBIs—not 1 RBI as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Smythe actually had 0 RBIs—not 1 RBI as shown in the official baseball records.

Lou Gehrig RBI Errors—1935

June 08 (second game)—New York at Boston—New York scored 2 runs

Fourth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“The Yanks, who had scored one run in the fourth on Chapman’s double and Gehrig’s single, …”

NYHT—“In the fourth, Chapman led off with a double. Gehrig knocked him home with a single, tying the score.”

BG—“The Yanks tied the score in the fourth on Chapman’s opening double and Gehrig’s single.”

BH—“But Ben [Chapman] arched a phony two-bagger to short right field in the fourth and then scored as Gehrig rolled a single to right.

BP—“… till the fourth where Chapman opened with a two-bagger and Gehrig supplied the single that sent the Yankee flyer in.”

Sixth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“…came up with another [run] in the sixth on Chapman’s second two-bagger and Lazzeri’s single.”

NYHT—“In the sixth, Chapman again hit for two bases. Gehrig failed this time, but Lazzeri didn’t. Tony knocked Chapman home with a single.”

BG—Nothing at all.

BH—“In the sixth Ben [Chapman] doubled to the left field corner, took third on Gehrig’s infield out and tallied when Lazzeri pooshed a single to right.”

BP—“In the sixth the Yankees registered once more, again the speedy Chapman getting two bases on a one-base blow, this time coming in when Lazzeri was able to punch a hit to short right.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (fourth inning)—Chapman scored on a 1-RBI single by Gehrig.

2 (sixth inning)—Chapman scored on a 1-RBI single by Lazzeri.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Gehrig, Lazzeri.

CONCLUSIONS:

  • Gehrig actually had 1 RBI—not 0 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Chapman actually had 0 RBIs—not 1 RBI as shown in the official baseball records.

Lou Gehrig RBI Errors—1936

April 15—New York at Washington—New York scored 5 runs

Second Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“The Yanks reached Linke for a run in the second on Dickey’s triple and Chapman’s double.”

NYHT—“They got a run in the second when Dickey tripled to center and Chapman followed with his first of three hits, a double.”

NYP—“Dickey tripled over Powell’s head, a smash that went to the far corner in center field. Chapman came through with a hit which he stretched into a double through fast sprinting to score Dickey.”

WP—“They picked up a run in the second when Dickey tripled to center and Chapman followed with a double to the same spot.”

Fourth Inning—New York scored 3 runs

NYT—“In the fourth singles by Selkirk and Chapman and doubles by Lazzeri and Crosetti fashioned three more [runs].”

NYHT—“Three more Yankees scored in the fourth on singles by Selkirk and Chapman and doubles by Lazzeri and Crosetti.”

NYP—“Selkirk led off with a single and went to third when Chapman rifled a single through the box. Lazzeri came through with a double to the left field wall, scoring Selkirk and Chapman, and counted himself on Crosetti’s double to right center.”

WP—“… in the fourth when Selkirk singled, Chapman singled, Lazzeri doubled and Crosetti doubled.”

Fifth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“Rolfe singled. Johnson forced Rolfe and Selkirk’s single chased Linke to the showers. Johnson then scored as Gehrig grounded out when Russell came to his mate’s rescue.”

NYHT—“The blow that eradicated Linke was a drive through the box by Chapman in the fifth. Johnson, who was on first at the time, made third. Linke was excused and Russell entered. The run came over on Gehrig’s roller.”

NYP—“Rolfe singled but was forced by Johnson. Chapman came through with his second hit of the game to put Johnson on third and Russell replaced Linke. While Myer was throwing out Gehrig, Johnson counted. Myer then went back of second to take Dickey’s bounder and get him at first.”

WP—“…in the fifth when Rolfe and Selkirk singled with one out. At this point Russell succeeded Linke and would have turned back the Yanks scoreless except for Myer’s momentary fumble of a double play ball.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (second inning)—Dickey scored on a 1-RBI double by Chapman.

2 (fourth inning)—Selkirk scored on a 2-RBI double by Lazzeri.

3 (fourth inning)—Chapman scored on a 2-RBI double by Lazzeri.

4 (fourth inning)—Lazzeri scored on a 2-RBI double by Crosetti.

5 (fifth inning)—Johnson scored on a 1-RBI groundout by Gehrig.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Chapman, Lazzeri 2, Crosetti, Gehrig.

CONCLUSIONS

  • Gehrig actually had 1 RBI—not 0 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Selkirk actually had 0 RBIs—not 1 RBI as shown in the official baseball records.

September 04—New York at Boston—New York scored 9 runs

Fourth Inning—New York scored 5 runs

NYT—“An infield hit by Saltzgaver started Ostermueller on his way to swift disaster in the fourth. DiMaggio drew a pass. Gehrig forced Joe. But Powell cracked a single to center, scoring one; Lazzeri fetched home three with his wallop over the left field barrier, and after Seeds had walked Murphy himself supplied the finishing stroke on the Boston lefthander by ramming a double into left center to drive in the fifth run.”

NYHT—Nothing at all.

BG—“Saltzgaver smashed a single off Fritz’ mitt and took second as DiMaggio was passed. Gehrig forced DiMaggio at second, but Powell singled, scoring Saltzgaver and Lazzeri connected for his homer that scored Gehrig and Powell ahead of him. Ostermueller became wild, walking Seeds, and after Glenn flied deeply to Cramer, Murphy doubled Seeds home with the fifth and final run of the inning.”

BH—“Saltzgaver started it by singling to Kroner. DiMaggio was walked and forced by Gehrig. Powell’s single through the box let Saltzgaver tally and forthwith Lazzeri hit the three-one pitch over the wall for three more runs. Ostie passed Seeds, who stole second, and, after Glenn had flied out to Cramer, Murphy’s double to left scored Seeds with the fifth run of that eruptive fourth.’

BP—“Saltzgaver was the first up and he got a hit when Ostermueller deflected his bounder away from Kroner. DiMaggio drew a base on balls while Gehrig forced DiMaggio at second. Powell singled to drive in one run and Lazzeri followed with his homer that accounted for three more. Here Wilson replaced Ostermueller. Jack walked Seeds, the latter stole second, and with two gone Murphy doubled to chase the fifth tally in.”

Fifth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—“… and he had the stage to himself in the fifth, getting on base after knocking two fly balls, one foul, one fair, which two men dropped, taking third on a sacrifice and scoring on a wild pitch.” [NOTE: In a sidebar it is mentioned, “The fly ball on which DiMaggio reached second in the fifth was dropped by the shortstop at the pitcher’s box.”]

BG—“DiMaggio reached second when McNair muffed his high fly on the pitcher’s box, took third as Gehrig sacrificed and scored on a wild pitch.”

BH—“… but he [DiMaggio] got all the way to second in the fifth when McNair muffed his high infield fly. Gehrig bunted Joe to third, whence he scored a moment later on a very wild pitch by Wilson.”

BP—“In the next frame DiMaggio led a charmed life. First Ferrell muffed his foul fly. Directly after this McNair muffed his high fly to the infield and this error put the fleet-footed Italian on second. Gehrig sacrificed and Wilson uncorked a wild pitch to let DiMaggio score.”

Sixth Inning—New York scored 2 runs

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—Nothing at all.

BG—“Two more New Yorkers crossed the plate in the sixth on Seeds’ double that was allowed to drop safely in short right, a pass to Crosetti, Saltzgaver’s double and an error by Kroner at second.”

BH—“A Seeds arch fly to short right was just missed by Almada in the sixth, went as a double, and a pass to Crosetti, a double to left by Saltzgaver and a muff of a throw from Werber to second by Kroner added up to two more Yank tallies.”

BP—“Continuing the assault upon Wilson the Yankees banged out a couple of doubles in the sixth, and as a pass had been sandwiched in between, the combination spelled two more scores.”

Eighth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—“They got one more in the eighth, Malone knocking it home with a single.”

BG—“Malone also brought in the last Yankee run in the eighth. Seeds singled, took second as Glenn was retired at first and Malone drove a hard one through the box that brought “Suitcase” home.

BH—“A Seeds single in the eighth, an infield out and Malone’s surprising single to center gave the Yankees their ninth and last run.”

BP—“It remained for Malone himself to come to bat in the eighth with a man on second and one out and drive in the last tally of the contest with a clean single to centre.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (fourth inning)—Saltzgaver scored on a 1-RBI single by Powell.

2 (fourth inning)—Gehrig scored on a 3-RBI homer by Lazzeri.

3 (fourth inning)—Powell scored on a 3-RBI homer by Lazzeri.

4 (fourth inning)—Lazzeri scored on a 3-RBI homer by Lazzeri.

5 (fourth inning)—Seeds scored on a 1-RBI double by Murphy.

6 (fifth inning)—DiMaggio scored on a wild pitch.

7 (sixth inning)—Seeds scored on a 1-RBI double by Saltzgaver.

8 (sixth inning)—Crosetti scored (from first base) on a fielding error (muffed catch) by the second baseman coupled with a double by Saltzgaver.

9 (eighth inning)—Seeds scored on a 1-RBI single by Malone.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Powell, Lazzeri 3, Murphy, Saltzgaver, Malone.

CONCLUSIONS:

  • Powell actually had 1 RBI—not 0 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Gehrig actually had 0 RBIs—not 1 RBI as shown in the official baseball records.

Lou Gehrig RBI Errors—1937

June 07—New York at Detroit—New York scored 3 runs

Fourth Inning—New York scored 2 runs

NYT—“With one out in the fourth he [Wade] was rocked by DiMaggio’s single, Gehrig’s triple and Dickey’s single as the Yankees chased over two runs.

NYHT—“DiMaggio singled, Gehrig tripled and Dickey singled in the fourth, breaking the spell under which Wade had held them.”

DFP—“DiMaggio made the first hit, singling to center after one was out. Gehrig followed with a triple to right center that scored DiMaggio and followed his teammate home when Dickey singled to right center. Wade picked Dickey off first at that point and then ended the inning by retiring Lazzeri on a fly to Fox.”

DN—“DiMaggio singled, Gehrig tripled, and Dickey singled in succession. Two runs scored.”

DT—“Rolfe grounded to Greenberg. DiMaggio got the first Yankee hit, a single to center. Gehrig tripled to the center field bleachers, scoring DiMaggio. Dickey singled to center, scoring Gehrig. Dickey was trapped off first and run down, Wade to Greenberg to Rogell to Gehringer. Lazzeri flied to Fox.”

Ninth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—“A double play in the ninth inning canceled one of the two passes Wade issued just before DiMaggio struck his eighth homer of the season, a blast over the left field wall, after the count went to 3 and 2.”

NYHT—“The count was three and two on DiMaggio when Wade grooved the next one and the slugging Yankee outfielder whammed it over the wall.”

DFP—“Crosetti opened the ninth inning and worked Wade for the second pass of the game. Rolfe then hit a sharp bounder to Rogell. Seeing that he would not be able to complete the double play if he tossed to Gehringer, Rogell hustled over to second, stepped on the bag and rifled a throw to Greenberg who helped with a long stretch. The throw beat Rolfe by a fraction of a step and then DiMaggio hit a home run over the left-field wall.”

DN—“Crosetti leading off drew Wade’s second pass. Rolfe drove a grounder through the box that Rogell picked up behind and to the left of second base. Going forward he stepped on the bag and then rifled the ball to Greenberg in time to nail Rolfe by a step. The double play saved the game for Detroit. It kept off the bases a runner who would have crossed the plate ahead of DiMaggio when the Frisco Kid hit his home run over the left field fence.”

DT—“Crosetti walked. Rolfe grounded into a double play, Rogell to Greenberg. DiMaggio hit a home run over the left field wall. Gehringer threw out Gehrig.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (fourth inning)—DiMaggio scored on a 1-RBI triple by Gehrig.

2 (fourth inning)—Gehrig scored on a 1-RBI single by Dickey.

3 (ninth inning)—DiMaggio scored on a 1-RBI homer by DiMaggio.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Gehrig, Dickey, DiMaggio

CONCLUSIONS:

  • Dickey actually had 1 RBI—not 0 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

  • Gehrig actually had 1 RBI—not 2 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

Lou Gehrig RBI Errors—1938

May 13—New York vs. Philadelphia—New York scored 6 runs

First Inning—New York scored 2 runs

NYT—“Two hits, including Henrich’s perfect drag bunt, and a pass and an error gave the Yanks two in the first

NYHT—“The Yankees had made two runs against Caster in the first on Crosetti’s single, a base on balls, Henrich’s drag bunt, Dickey’s fly and an error by Lodigiani.” [NOTE: In a sidebar it is stated, “Henrich’s drag bunt in the first almost scored Crosetti from second when Lodigiani, racing toward first on what looked like a sacrifice bunt play, had to retrace his steps to stop the ball from rolling into the outfield.”]

NYP—“Crosetti singled. Rolfe walked. Henrich bunted safely, filling the bases. DiMaggio popped to Werber. Dickey flied to Haas, Crosetti scoring. Gehrig was safe at first when Lodigiani allowed his grounder to go through him, Rolfe scoring and Henrich reaching third. Hoag flied to Haas.”

NYDN—“Crosetti’s single, a walk to Rolfe and Henrich’s drag bunt filled the bases. After DiMaggio’s pop to Werber, Dickey shot a hard liner to Haas, which scored Crosetti with the first run. Henrich tallied the second when Lodigiani flubbed Gehrig’s roller.”

PINQ—“The Yanks nudged Caster for two runs in the first after filling the bases with none out. Crosetti’s single, a walk to Rolfe and Henrich’s drag bunt did the filling. After DiMaggio’s pop to Werber, Dickey shot a hard liner to Haas which produced Crosetti with the first run. Henrich crossed with the second when Lodigiani flubbed Gehrig’s roller.”

Fourth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—“A base on balls, Crosetti’s single and a force-out tied the score in the fourth.”

NYP—“Knickerbocker flied to Johnson. Pearson walked. Crosetti singled, sending Pearson to third. Rolfe forced Crosetti, Pearson scoring. Rolfe was picked off first and run down at second.”

NYDN—“A walk to Pearson, Crosetti’s single and Rolfe’s force out tied the score for the Yanks in the fourth.”

PINQ—“A walk to Pearson, Crosetti’s single and Rolfe’s force out tied the score for the Yanks in the fourth.”

Sixth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—“… and the Yankees went ahead in a hitless sixth when Caster was the victim of his own erratic fielding. After walking Gehrig he tossed Hoag’s double-play hopper into centerfield and then failed to make a play on Gehrig on Knickerbocker’s roller to the box.”

NYP—“Gehrig walked. Hoag was safe on Caster’s error, Gehrig reaching third. Knickerbocker out, Caster to Finney, Gehrig scoring and Hoag holding second. Pearson flied to Haas. Crosetti grounded out.”

NYDN—“… while a walk to Gehrig, Caster’s two-base wild throw and Knickerbocker’s infield out sent the Champs ahead with another run in the sixth.”

PINQ—“… and a walk to Gehrig, Caster’s two-base wild throw and Knickerbocker’s infield out sent the Champs ahead with another run in the sixth.”

Seventh Inning—New York scored 2 runs

NYT—“Gehrig got a fluke hit in the seventh that scored two runs and stretched his straight-game hitting streak to six.”

NYHT—“Singles by Rolfe, Henrich, Dickey and Gehrig drove Caster from the mound. With two runs in and two men on he [Potter] got Hoag to lift to left for the second out, walked Knickerbocker, filling the bases, and then fanned Selkirk.”

NYP—“Rolfe and Henrich singled, Rolfe stopping at second. DiMaggio fouled to Finney. Dickey beat out a hit to deep short, filling the bases. Gehrig drooped a single in short center, scoring Rolfe and Henrich, Dickey stopping at second. Potter replaced Caster on the mound for the A’s. Knickerbocker walked, filling the bases. Selkirk batted for Hadley and fanned.”

NYDN—“Rolfe and Henrich started the Yank seventh with singles. Dickey filled the bases with another, after DiMaggio’s foul to Finney. Gehrig’s pop fly fell safely in short center for a single, scoring Rolfe and Henrich and shunting Caster to the showers. Potter came in and saved the game. Coming in with two in, two on, and one out, Potter retired Hoag, walked Knickerbocker to fill the bases and then fanned Selkirk to end the inning.”

PINQ—“Rolfe and Henrich started the Yank seventh with singles. Dickey filled the bases with another, after DiMaggio’s foul to Finney. Gehrig’s pop fly fell safely in short center for a single, scoring Rolfe and Henrich and shunting Caster to the showers. Potter came in and saved the game. Coming in with two in, two on, and one out, Potter retired Hoag, walked Knickerbocker to fill the bases and then fanned Selkirk to end the inning.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (first inning)—Crosetti scored on a 1-RBI sacrifice fly by Dickey.

2 (first inning)—Rolfe scored (from second or third base) on a 2-out grounder by Gehrig that was fumbled by the second baseman.

3 (fourth inning)—Pearson scored on a 1-RBI fielder’s-choice-force-out by Rolfe.

4 (sixth inning)—Gehrig scored on a 1-RBI groundout by Knickerbocker.

5 (seventh inning)—Rolfe scored on a 2-RBI single by Gehrig.

6 (seventh inning)—Henrich scored on a 2-RBI single by Gehrig.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Dickey, Rolfe, Knickerbocker, Gehrig 2.

CONCLUSION: Gehrig actually had 2 RBIs—not 3 RBIs as shown in the official baseball records.

May 28—New York at Philadelphia—New York scored 4 runs

First Inning—New York scored 2 runs

NYT—“It looked like a bad afternoon for Nelson when Rolfe’s double, passes to Gehrig and Dickey, and Henrich’s double fashioned two Yankee runs in the first.”

NYHT—“Rolfe doubled in the first with one out and after DiMaggio was tossed out at first, Nelson walked Gehrig and Dickey, filling the bases. Henrich’s two-bagger to right scored Rolfe and Gehrig.”

PINQ—Nothing at all.

RETROSHEET (unproofed) PBP account—“YANKEES 1ST: F.Crosetti popped to B.Werber; R.Rolfe doubled; J.DiMaggio grounded out (B.Werber to D.Siebert) [R.Rolfe to third]; L.Gehrig walked; B.Dickey walked [L.Gehrig to second]; T.Henrich doubled [R.Rolfe scored, L.Gehrig scored, B.Dickey to third]; J.Powell grounded out (B.Werber to D.Siebert); 2 R, 2 H, 0 E, 2 LOB. Highlanders 2, Athletics 0.”

Fifth Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—“Crosetti was hit by a pitched ball in the fifth and after Rolfe and DiMaggio went out without a struggle, Gehrig’s two-bagger to left center scored Crosetti.”

PINQ—Nothing at all.

RETROSHEET (unproofed) PBP account—“HIGHLANDERS 5TH: F.Crosetti was hit by a pitch; R.Rolfe flied to S.Chapman; J.DiMaggio grounded out (W.Ambler to D.Siebert) [F.Crosetti to second]; L.Gehrig doubled [F.Crosetti scored]; B.Dickey popped to B.Werber; 1 R, 1 H, 0 E, 1 LOB. Highlanders 3, Athletics 8.”

Seventh Inning—New York scored 1 run

NYT—Nothing at all.

NYHT—“Crosetti singled in the seventh and Rolfe and DiMaggio again were easy outs. Gehrig’s single scored Crosetti.”

PINQ—Nothing at all.

RETROSHEET (unproofed) PBP account—“HIGHLANDERS 7TH: F.Crosetti singled; R.Rolfe flied to W.Moses;

J.DiMaggio grounded out (W.Ambler to D.Siebert) [F.Crosetti to second]; L.Gehrig singled [F.Crosetti scored]; B.Dickey flied to W.Moses; 1 R, 2 H, 0 E, 1 LOB. Highlanders 4, Athletics 10.”

SUMMARY of the runs scored by the Yankees:

1 (first inning)—Rolfe scored on a 2-RBI double by Henrich.

2 (first inning)—Gehrig scored on a 2-RBI double by Henrich.

3 (fifth inning)—Crosetti scored on a 1-RBI double by Gehrig.

4 (seventh inning)—Crosetti scored on a 1-RBI single by Gehrig.

BOXSCORE RBI statistics: Henrich 2, Gehrig, DiMaggio.

CONCLUSIONS:

  • Gehrig actually had 2 RBIs—not 1 RBI as shown in the official baseball records.

  • DiMaggio actually had 0 RBIs—not 1 RBI as shown in the official baseball records.

]]>
The Babe: In Person and On Screen https://sabr.org/journal/article/the-babe-in-person-and-onscreen/ Sat, 12 Jan 2019 23:30:49 +0000
]]>
1935 Winter Meetings: Inspirational Delegates Churn Cream Into Butter https://sabr.org/journal/article/1935-winter-meetings-inspirational-delegates-churn-cream-into-butter/ Sun, 02 Oct 2016 21:47:26 +0000

Introduction and Context

The National Association didn’t just survive during the summer of 1935 — it flourished. “The past season,” recalled promotional department head Joe Carr, “was one of the very best that minor league baseball has experienced in years.”1 For the Association’s 34th annual meeting, about 2,000 baseball people convened in Dayton, Ohio, to maintain the momentum. The city was home to the Class-C Dayton Ducks; it was the first time the Association congregated in a city without a more advanced club. Dayton had ample facilities to accommodate the delegates. The Biltmore Hotel, a luxurious building that opened in 1929, hosted the meeting, held November 20-22.

Chicago, meanwhile, had just the year before concluded its Century of Progress international exposition, a wildly popular fair that stimulated consumer spending and coincided with the city’s centennial celebration. The city was bustling with excitement, which made it an ideal host for Major League Baseball’s winter meetings. The American and National Leagues met separately for the first two days, December 10-11, with the Palmer House housing the AL, while the NL settled in the Congress Hotel. A joint session was held on the 12th in the Palmer House.

Player Movement (National Association Convention)

A record 135 players changed teams in deals at the National Association meeting, compared with the 80 and 105 who were moved in 1933 and 1934 respectively. The Double-A Milwaukee Brewers were relieved to unload their aging pieces, including catchers Paul Florence and Tony Rensa and outfielder Earl Webb. The St. Louis Browns traded 32-year-old right-hander Fay Thomas to the Chicago Cubs for righty Mike Meola, who had amassed 39 wins in his two summers with the Los Angeles Angels of the Pacific Coast League. This was the first transaction of the offseason to involve both American and National League teams.

Larry MacPhail of the Cincinnati Reds was particularly active. He added first baseman George McQuinn and five other players to his team on November 22, the final day of the minor-league meetings. McQuinn had been praised for his fielding while in the New York-Penn and International Leagues, and MacPhail was counting on him to take over for Jim Bottomley, whose ailing back was sapping his power — 107 games played and only one home run in 1935 — and threatening his career. Also that Friday, the Boston Red Sox paid $75,000 to the Hollywood Stars of the Pacific Coast League for infielders Bobby Doerr and George Myatt.

One trade constructed in Dayton featured only major-league players. Catcher Earl Grace and 6-foot-3 right-hander Claude Passeau (who had been brought up from the minors and pitched in one game at the end of the 1935 season) were swapped from the Pittsburgh Pirates to the Philadelphia Phillies for catcher Al Todd. Rumors circulated that the New York Yankees were looking to make a deal for Philadelphia Athletics third baseman Pinky Higgins. Those were flatly denied, however, by Yankees business manager Ed Barrow and, in fact, Higgins remained in Philadelphia.

Player Movement (American League and National League Meetings)

“One or two established stars will be added to the lineup,” Detroit Tigers owner Walter O. Briggs said before the sessions, “if it is possible to secure them by trade or purchase.”2 Manager Mickey Cochrane came through for his boss by bagging outfielder Al Simmons. The reigning world champions were confident that the future Hall of Famer would be an upgrade in center field over their 1935 platoon of Gee Walker and Jo-Jo White. The three-time All-Star was acquired from the Chicago White Sox for the bargain price of $75,000 after totaling a career-low 79 RBIs in 1935.

A’s manager Connie Mack was eager to exchange his star first baseman, Jimmie Foxx, for cash upon checking in at the Palmer House. “The game’s greatest auctioneer of playing talent”3 did so successfully on December 10 when he moved Foxx and right-handed pitcher Johnny Marcum to the Boston Red Sox. In return, Mack received $150,000, veteran right-hander Gordon Rhodes, and catcher George Savino. With that, Foxx became the last member of Philadelphia’s 1929 championship team to leave the organization.

The Yankees eventually got involved at the winter meetings. They came to an all-right-handed-pitching agreement with the Cleveland Indians, sending Johnny Allen westward in exchange for Monte Pearson and Steve Sundra.

Of course, there was action at the Congress Hotel, too. J. Roy Stockton of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch reported that New York Giants manager Bill Terry “would like to retire to the bench” after four seasons of dual responsibility as the club’s first baseman and skipper. Though Terry didn’t decide on an heir during his time in Chicago, he improved an already strong roster. The Giants dealt right-handed starting pitcher Roy Parmelee, reserve infielder-outfielder Phil Weintraub, and cash to the St. Louis Cardinals for Burgess Whitehead, a defensive-minded second baseman. In 1935 Terry had given three players, Hughie Critz, Al Cuccinello, and Mark Koenig, long trials at second base, but none showed much skill with the glove. The expectation was that Cardinals general manager Branch Rickey would move several more players at the meetings. Aside from brothers Dizzy and Paul Dean, “all of the other fellows” were being discussed in trade talks.4 In the end, though, the rest of the roster was kept intact.

Rule Changes and Other Business (National Association Convention)

At the National Association business meeting, “a sweeping change in the administrative system of the minor leagues was made without a dissenting vote.”5 Powers previously delegated to the Executive Committee were allocated to President William G. Bramham. The National Association Agreement was amended to give him the authority to check gambling and protect umpires from harassment. By unanimous vote, Bramham’s annual salary was increased from $8,500 to $12,500.6

The A-1 league classification — a step above Class A and one below AA — was created, for which the Southern Association and Texas League both qualified.7 All 21 leagues active during the 1935 season were expected to continue operating. Additionally, a new eight-team Class-D circuit made up of US and Canadian teams, was one of several that were in the early stages of formation.

Commissioner Kenesaw Mountain Landis, American League President William Harridge, and National League President Ford C. Frick were present in Dayton, an indication of the growing importance of the National Association in the world of professional baseball. Delegates voted to hold the 1936 meetings in Montreal; Little Rock was the only other city to gain significant support. The meetings were tentatively scheduled for November 18-20.8

Rule Changes and Other Business (MLB Meetings)

Cleveland Indians GM Billy Evans announced his resignation two days before the start of the National Association convention. Evans had spent the past eight years with the Indians organization after 22 seasons as an American League umpire.

In Chicago, the American League owners discussed numerous topics, but night baseball was their chief concern. They agreed to an indefinite ban, with even the installation of lights disallowed.9

In other news, Jacob Ruppert of the Yankees continued to ban broadcasting of his team’s games, fearing that attendance would suffer if fans could simply follow the action on the radio. The Athletics, on the other hand, announced that they would allow the practice for the first time in 1936. President Harridge seemed keen on barring “butterfly nets,” elongated gloves used by some AL first basemen. Such gloves, he felt, gave their wearers a significant advantage, a violation of the league’s rules.10 It was decided that players could not begin barnstorming until 10 days after the close of the season.11 Briggs was officially introduced as sole owner of the Tigers after his partner, Frank Navin, died on November 13.

Speaking to Reds owner Larry MacPhail after the 1934 season, Commissioner Landis had been pessimistic that the major leagues would ever play on artificially illuminated fields. “Young man,” he told MacPhail, “not in my lifetime or yours will you ever see a baseball game played at night in the majors.”12 This proved to be wildly off the mark; Cincinnati hosted seven after-dark contests in 1935. Attendance at the games was encouraging and MacPhail opted to renew that schedule for the following summer. Other National League clubs were also given the freedom to arrange their own night games.13

The NL paid considerable attention to its umpires. A pension list was created to reward retired officials who worked at least 15 years in the league. It was decided that umpires would be required to report to spring training — at no personal expense — to officiate in exhibition games. Like the American League owners, they banned barnstorming for the first 10 days after the season. They gave Ford Frick another two-year term as president and gave Secretary Harvey Traband vice presidential responsibilities.14

At the joint session on December 12, an AL plan to reduce admission prices for children under 13 failed. The two leagues had an understanding that ticket pricing would not be changed by one without the consent of the other, and the National League opposed the plan. The 1936 All-Star Game was awarded to the Boston Braves, though a specific date was not determined. Three proposals for changes in the Major-Minor Agreement were accepted: Clubs and leagues would now be subject to punishment if they did not pay official scorers; the selection period that had to elapse during reacquisition of optioned players was voided; and the Class A-1 rating was officially created.

Summary

Just by tweaking the administrative structure, delegates at the National Association convention ensured that minor-league baseball would continue to rise in prominence, as it did until the full effect of World War II was felt in 1943.

MacPhail was wise to return night baseball to Crosley Field. According to the National Baseball Hall of Fame Library, the seven night games he scheduled for the 1936 season drew 136,722 fans, an average of 19,532 that was more than four times the size of the usual daytime crowd.15 However, his club wasn’t the only one to sell more tickets in 1936; according to Baseball-Reference.com, 13 of the 16 MLB franchises had higher attendance that season despite the still-depressed economic climate.

 

Sources

In addition to the sources cited in the Notes, the author also consulted:

“1936 Major League Baseball Attendance and Miscellaneous.” Baseball-Reference.com. Accessed June 23, 2012.

Bang, Ed. “Tribe Deals Remain Just So Much Talk,” The Sporting News, November 28, 1935: 1.

Brands, Edgar G. “Many Changes in Major, Minor Official Personnel to Be Made,” The Sporting News, November 28, 1935: 1.

Brands, Edgar G. “Inspirational Meeting at Dayton Centralizes Power in President, Cements Major League Alliance,” The Sporting News, November 28, 1935.

Burns, Ed. “N.L. Goes Own Way on Meeting Plans,” The Sporting News, December 5, 1935: 1.

Drebinger, John. “Acquisition of Pearson by Yanks Features Active Day at Baseball Meetings,” New York Times, December 12, 1935: 34.

Drebinger, John. “Higgins Purchase Denied by Barrow,” New York Times, November 23, 1935: 15.

“Giants and Cardinals in Midst of Sensational Player Trade,” The Sporting News, November 28, 1935: 1-2.

Harwell, W.E. “Richards Fortifies Atlanta Behind Bat,” The Sporting News, November 28, 1935: 5.

Isaminger, James C. “Foxx and Marcum Are Sold to Red Sox,” The Sporting News, December 12, 1935: 1.

Levy, Sam. “Detroit Helps Milwaukee Brew New Team,” The Sporting News, November 28, 1935: 1.

Moloughney, M.J. “U.S. and Canadian Cities Plan New Class D Loop,” The Sporting News, December 12, 1935: 1.

“Night Lights Burning Low in the Majors,” The Sporting News, December 5, 1935: 1.

Swope, Tom. “Reds Invest $25,000 in New First Sacker,” The Sporting News, November 28, 1935: 7.

“Yawkey’s Bankroll, Mack’s Talent Enlivens Auctions,” Brownsville Herald, December 11, 1935: 5.

 

Notes

1 Edgar G. Brands, “48 of 90 Amendments Would Give President More Authority,” The Sporting News, November 14, 1935: 3.

2 Charles P. Ward, “Briggs Will Follow Liberal Tiger Policy,” The Sporting News, November 28, 1935: 5.

3 Associated Press, “Yawkey, Mack Stir Other Ball Magnates,” Reading Eagle, December 11, 1935: 16.

4 Dick Farrington, “Rickey Lays Cards on Swapping Table,” The Sporting News, November 28, 1935: 1.

5 Edgar G. Brands, “Minors Strengthen Organization for the Coming Years,” The Sporting News, November 28, 1935: 3.

6 Ibid.

7 Ibid.

8 Ibid.

9 Edgar G. Brands, “American Thumbs Down on Night Games,” The Sporting News, December 19, 1935: 3.

10 Ibid.

11 Ibid.

12 Robert B. Payne and Tom Pierett, Let There Be Light: A History of Night Baseball 1880-2008 (Bloomington, Indiana: AuthorHouse, 2010), 2.

13 Edgar G. Brands, “National Renames Frick for Two More Years,” The Sporting News, December 19, 1935: 3.

14 Ibid.

15 Payne and Pierett, 179.

]]>